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Full text of " Pizzagate Pedophile Collection of Evidence " See other formats DOCUMENT RESUME CG Child Pornography and Pedophillia. Report Made by the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Governmental Affairs. United States Senate, Ninety-Ninth Congress, Second Session.

Congress of the U. Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs. Senate-R 9 Oct 86 57p. Pedophilia is defined for this report as a condition in which an adult's primary sexual attraction is to prepubescent children roughly between the ages of 6 and The introduction discusses the recent history of public awareness of the problem, characteristics of child molesters, and the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigation's interest in and action on the topic.

Further sections discuss the following: 1 organized crime's involvement; 2 prosecutions by the Department of Justice; pedophilia; 4 meeting and seducing children; 5 use of child pornography; 6 correspondence among pedophiles; 7 use of computers by pedophiles; 8 pedophile organizations and publications; 9 international distribution of child pornography with particular emphasis on Sweden, Denmark, and the Netherlands; 10 importation of child pornography into the United States; 11 quality and content of child pornography; and 12 price and cost of child pornography.

Three recommendations are made by the subcommittee for combating child pornography and child molestation. These are: banning advertising of child pornography and child prostitution, increasing pressure on foreign pornographers, and creating regional child sexual exploitation task forces. The appendix includes letters relevant to the topic to and by the subcommittee. ROTH, Jit, Delaware, Chairman TED STEVENS, Alaska CHARLES McC.

MATHIAS, Jit, Maryland WILLIAM S. RUDMAN, New Hampshire THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi THOMAS F. EAGLETON, Missouri LAWTON CHILES, Florida SAM NUNN, Georgia JOHN GLENN, Ohio CARL LEVIN, Michigan ALBERT GORE, Jit, Tennessee Franklin G. Delaware, Chairman WARREN B.

RUDMAN, New Hampshire, Vice Chairman JR. Rinzel, Chief Counsel Eleanors J. Introduction 1 II. Organized crime 4 ID. Prosecutions by the Department of Justice 5 IV. Pedophilia 6 V. Meeting and seducing children 7 VI. Use of child pornography 9 VII. Correspondence among pedophiles 12 Vin.

Use of computers by pedophiles 1 DC. Pedophile organizations and publications 15 Early publications 17 Pedophile organizations 19 X. International distribution of child pornography 29 Sweden 0 Denmark 1 The Netherlands 2 XI. Importation of child pornography into the United States 5 XII. Quality and content of foreign child pornography 7 Xni.

Price and cost of child pornography 41 XTV. Conclusions 4 XV. Roth, from the Committee on Governmental Affairs, submitted the following REPORT I. As- sault cases often were quietly kept out of the courts, and many police departments viewed such cases as little more than time-con- suming social work.

Child molesters were more often the target of jokes than investigations. For millions of Americans, child sexual abuse was a problem that was out of sight, and out of mind. During the late s, however, reports of child lexual abuse slowly began to increase, and so did public awarenes of the prob- lem.

Networks and local TV stations devoted scores of prime-time hours to its exposure; hundreds of newspapers and magazines ran lengthy accounts of child sexual assaults ahd pornography rings; grocery bags and milk cartons began to carry the faces of missing children; citizen awareness groups sprang. up around the country; police agencies that once paid scant attention to the problem began establishing special training programs for their officers and setting up child sex crime units; the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children was established in Washington, D.

A report by the New York-based Child Welfare League of America said child sexual abuse reports rose 59 percent from to And yet there is wide agreement that even these are conservative figures. Doctors confirmed that 7 of the children showed physical signs of molestation.

After a grueling pre-trial hearing lasting several months, many parents with- drew their children as witnesses after watching other children undergo lengthy cross-examination by defense attorneys. Later the Los Angeles County District Attorney dropped all charges agai n st five of the seven defendants, citing a lack of evidence. Yet the supervisors did not alert police and still allowed the priest to work with children. Brown, Vice Division, Houston, TX, Police Department, February He was convicted on 19 counts of distributing child pornography and other charges and sentenced to a year prison term.

In the past two years those convicted on such charges have included police officers, politi- cians, judges, physicians, lawyers, journalists, grandmothers, teach- ers and military officers, among others. The stereotype of the child molester as a menacing deviate lurking in public places obviously does not apply to many of them. With these events as a backdrop, the Senate Permanent Subcom- mittee on Investigations in early began an investigation of child pornography and pedophilia- the abnormal sexual desire of an adult for pre-pubescent children.

Subcommittee investigators interviewed more than people in more than 0 states, including convicted child molesters, pornographers, pro-pedophilia activists, molestation victims, investigators, judges, prosecutors, psychiatrists and child protection workers. The Subcommittee also reviewed thousands of documents, including arrest reports, victim state- ments, pedophile correspondence, newsletters, child pornography catalogs, films, videotapes and magazines.

Finally, the Subcommit- tee held three days of public hearings - on Nov. In addition, the economic impact of the child pornography industry often tends to be overstated. Also see pp. l, ; S. Customs Service estimated in that 85 percent of the child pornography seized as it was entering the United States came from Denmark and the Netherlands; see pp. The Subcom- mittee interviewed former child pornography distributors, federal informants, pedophiles, prosecutors and law enforcement officials from the United States, Canada and Europe.

No one produced de- fimtive evidence that traditional organized crime groups, such as La Cosa Nostra, have any appreciable influence on the production or distribution of true pedophile-oriented child pornography.

Nor was evidence found of any widespread involvement, much less con- trol, of child pornography distribution by other ethnic crime orga- nizations or cri min al groups, such as motorcycle gangs.

There is evidence that La Cosa Nostra crime families are in- volved in the production and distribution of commercial adult por- nography. While any sexually explicit material involving persons of this age is usually harmful, if not illegal, for purposes of this report rhilH pornography refers to material involving children under After extensive inquiries, the Subcommittee has concluded that the distribution of child pornography in the United States is large- ly earned out by individual pedophiles, who produce this material and trade it among themselves or order it tnrough the mail from other countries.

In the few instances when police have uncovered commercial child pornography operations, they paled in compari- son to the sophistication and profits of adult pornography distribu- tors, and were not controlled by traditional organized crime.

One such organization was run by Cathy Wilson, who at the time of her arrest m California in was believr 1 to control about 80 per- S! operates legally in much of the country and grosses several billion dollars annually. In comparison, violations involving adult pornography are often treated as misdemeanor obscenity cases, when they are prosecuted at all. This legislation added sections through to Title 18 of the United States Code to deal specifically for the first time with the problem of child pornography.

Since most child pomographers in the United States tend to trade child pornography among themselves rather than sell it, the Department of Justice was forced to rely primarily upon sectionsTitle 18 of the U. Code, the federal ob- scenity statutes, to prosecute child pomographers. Customs Service seizure reports, February ; Subcommittee staff interview with Cathy Wilson, op, cit; Subcommittee staff interview with Joyce Karlin, Assistant U.

Attorney, Los Angeles, August, Department of Justice, June That is not the case, and the distinction is worth noting. This more accurately defines the offenders involved in teen- age prostitution, for example, than does the often-misused label, pe- dophile. Pedophiles normally have little interest in adolescents who are beginning to reach sexual maturity; it is, in fact, the very lack of sexual development, the childish innocence, that arouses most true pedophiles.

The term pedophile is often misused when applied to all child sex crime offenders. Experts agree that many children are assaulted simply because they are available and, of course, more easily overpowered than an adult. The true pedophile, as a rule, does not commit violent acts against his victim. Pedophiles often are attracted to children within a specific age range- bovs from 8 to 10, girls under 9, etc. Pedophiles normally are divided into two categories - re- gressed and fixated.

An authoritative psychiatric profile described them m this way: 24 The [fixated] offender has never developed emotionally or intellectually. He feels comfortable around children and uncomfortable around adults. He shows no guilt or shame afterwards. He knows right from wrong and will be law- abiding apart from child molestation. He will have dated little and rarely be married. His immaturity will mean that his work, social and personal adjustment will be poor.

He will often be employed in menial jobs and prefer to work around children. He seeks children out as compan- ions and in his jobs, so he may be found working with chil- dren in his job or as a recreation.

The [regressed offender] is reasonably well adjusted. He will have no criminal record apart from child molestation and will have a good job, social and personal adjustment. He will have dated and typically be married. However, under stress, especially threats to his masculinity, he re- gresses to immature behavior. So if he is fired, or criticized at work, or if his wife has an affair or criticizes him, he may begin to drink alcohol and impulsively choose a non- threatening female sexual partner a child.

After the ex- perience, he will realize what he has done and feel guilt and shame. He deals with this guilt by attributing his be- havior to alcohol. MEETING AND SEDUCING CHILDREN I used all the normal techniques used by pedophiles.

I bribed my victims, I pleaded with them, but I also showed them affection and attention they thought they were not getting anywhere else.

Almost without exception every child 1 molested was lonely and longing for attention. Pedophiles are constantly seeking out new ways of drawing children into their confidence without raising suspicions.

Those who seek frequent contact with children, and either have no criminal record or believe it would not be discovered, may find employment as day care center workers, recreation directors, video arcade managers, Little League coas, scout leaders, Big Broth- ers, schooltears or in a host of other occupations where children are present.

In a study of 40 pedophile cases by FBI Special Agent Kenneth Lanning and Dr. Ann Burgess, almost half of the offend- ers used their occupations to encounter children. Many have met their eventual victims through adult relationships with par- ents, as friends, co-workers, counselors, etc. A number of cases have involved people in positions of author- ity - people to whom even careful parents often entrust their chil- dren, such as priests, tears and police officers.

These cases are cited not to undermine faith in these professions, but to emphasize 15 Hearings, Part 2, p. Some pedophiles expose themselves to children or attempt to lure them into their cars or homes with presents, promises nH de- ception, but these cases represent a small minority of the molesta- Uon incidents investigated by police officials in the United States f ortunately, the stereotype of the child molester as a dirty, leering stranger on a park bench is disappearing as awareness of the true nature of pedophilia grows.

Th e words of a pedophile provide the best description of the thought process mvolved in attempting to meet and seduce chil- dren. Like in video game arcades, kids can tell if you re just in there cruising for sex, or are there be- cause you like playing the games. The same with sports and sporting events. Like your own neighborhood. It s also a good idea to get to know parents. Sometimes you can get babysitting tasks or you can just take the kids places when they know you and know that the kids like being with you.

Sometimes parents can introduce vou to other kids too. sexual activity is by capitalizing on the child s need for attention, approval, and numan contact.

I would take my victims to movies and to amuse- ment parks. When I babysat them, I would let them stay up past their bedtime if they let me fondle them. One little 8-year-old girl I was babysitting came over to my house one day soaking wet from a rainstorm. Ib lowtr a chiid b inhibitions. m wm sonninf or rocotving: rvejuet mail e d you, in a separate envelope, a bunch of m a ter ial op the two children ne was convicted of molest- ing.

The photos of [his year-old victim], of course, are to be samples of poses that I want them [other children] in, from mild and sweet, to hot and lewd. All child victims will grow up and become sexually unattrac- tive to the pedophile.

However, in a photograph, a 9-year-old boy stays young forever. Blackmail - A child molester is consumed with the prospect of being caught When he has taken sexually explicit photos of his victims, he not only has preserved the object of his desire for pos- terity, but he also has created an effective tool for keeping the child from revealing his abuse.

If a child should threaten to tell his parents or authorities, the m lester will remind him of the photos and tell him he will be punished or lose the affection of parents and siblings if the photos are revealed. A medium of exchange. The quality and theme of the material boy-boy, boy-girl, adultohild, etc.

determines its value. Because of this system of ex- change, copying machines, slide enlargers and photo duplicating equipment are often used to produce duplicate copies of material whicn can be offered to other pedophiles. cit, p. Also see Hearings, Part 2, p. Usually this involves the sale of homemade films, tapes and photographs on a one-to-one basis to other pedophiles, to pornography distributors or to European pornographic magazine publishers.

For reasons apparently related to self-validation, ego and camaraderie, pedophiles often write to each other with detailed accounts of their activities and fantasias, as seen in numerous collections of pedophile correspond- ence seized by law enforcement authorities and reviewed by the Subcommittee. Some are pure flights of fancy, but many are chill- ingly real.

These letters are rarely read and discarded; investiga- tors report that many pedophiles keep them for years, even when their discovery would mean certain arrest. This penchant for detail has been the undoing of hundreds of pe- dophiles and child pornography collectors.

Numerous arrests are made each year by local police investigators and U. The correspondence often results in a face-to-face meeting in which a crime is committed or police gain enough information to obtain a search warrant.

Convicted child molesters Joseph Henry and Donald Woodward wrote detailed letters to fellow pedophiles outlining the time and place of various criminal acts. Typically, the letters reflect the fear of discovery with which child molesters live. Despite the specificity f njost letters, pedophiles repeatedly warn each other to be wary of the police. I hope I was explicit enough. Woodward, a gifted engineer who did top-secret contract work for the Central Intelligence Agency and National Security Agency, used a simple code system in his letters for his ring of correspond- ents and victims, but he too went into explicit detail about crimes he had committed or planned to commit.

He discussed the produc- tion, duplication and distribution of child pornography, and various acts of molestation.

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Los Angeles Police Detective William Dworin, who has carried on correspondence with many pedophiles, was able to unravel an international child prostitution ring involving men from France, Panama and Italy, all through the seizure of correspondence be- tween pedophiles. According to Dworin, "A conspiracy does exist among pedophiles. Magazines and personal contacts encourage the molestation of juveniles, train the closet pedophile, promote child pornography and reinforce the idea that sex with juveniles is both acceptable and necessary.

Postal Inspector John Ruberti of Chicago. Ruberti reported tnat CSF developed evidence that led to the arrests of about 5 child molesters and child pornography traders. Such sting operations have become so popular with police that several investi- gators told the Subcommittee they had corresponded with suspect- ed pedophiles for weeks only to later discover they were writing to other undercover police officers.

William Dworin, Los Angeles Police Department, June a 17 o ERIC 0 - 86 -2 14 spond with one another with greater safety than letters or tele- phone calls would permit.

The pedophile underground was quick to take advantage of this new, anonymous means of exchanging information. Messages have appeared on computer bulletin boards offering to buy, sell or trade child pornography, establish correspondence about sexual interests, trade names of "available" children and even propose sexual liaisons.

My name is Billy. The difference is that the computer operators can commu- nicate with each other over the computer by using a device called a modem, which allows computers to share data over regular phone lines. The bulletin board users, who normally use aliases, now have virtually complete anonymity because police are not authorized under current federal law to intercept computer conversations without a warrant based on probable cause.

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Recently, attempts have been made m the U. Many of the systems indicate how many calls have come into the network, and Brown reported that he never saw one with fewer than 20, calls. In the Bay Area alone, Battaglia had found nine bulletin boards containing pedo- phile-related messages.

Battaglia believes electronic messages are replacing more tradi- tional mail correspondence between pedophiles. Letter writing is going out the window. The groups range from anarchistic, underground clubs whose newsletters and philosophies are haphazard at best to well-organized, politically astute groups that march in parades and openly distribute litera- ture.

Although primarily based in major cities, the American pedo- phile support groups have members throughout the United States and foreign countries. SJune 17, ; S. cit 58 Subcommittee stair interview, June Although m'wt of the American pedophile organizations de- scribed in this report have been investigated, if not infiltrated, by police agencies, they are not normally prosecuted as criminal orga- nizations.

Instead, individual members are prosecuted for specific acts, even though they may have been aided by membership in the group. Most of the groups activities public meetings, newsletters, etc. fall into constitutionally-protected areas. If an officer successfully infiltrates an organization, he or she almost surely will obtain information about the possible molestation of a child, or actually be invited to participate in such activity.

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At that point, investigators point out, no responsible police agency could allow an officer to continue the undercover operation. Thus the full criminal involvement of some pedophile organizations may be extremely difficult to determine. How serious a threat, then, do these groups pose? Clearly, they are not traditional criminal organizations like nar- cotics or auto theft rings, which use violence, payoffs and extensive resources to control their interests.

There also is little evidence that organized pedophile groups have controlled the larger child pornography rings that have been prosecuted during the past ten years. Nor are these groups as large or influential as some citizen 8 r. u P 8 tend to believe. For example, a well-meaning publication called Child Protection Alert, published in by the American Christian Voice Foundation, reported that the combined member- ship of two well-known pedophile organizations, the North Ameri- can Man-Boy Love Association NAMBLA and the Rene Guyon So- ciety,is estimated to number 25, It would be a mistake, however, to overemphasize the threat prad by these groups to the exclusion of the more numerous unor- ganized groups of child molesters that make no pretense of wanting to change legislation or to argue their case in public.

In some publications, more so in the s than today, advertise- ments appeared offering to buy, sell or trade child pornography, wliich is now illegal. A bill introduced in by Subcommittee Chairman William V. Roth, Jr. The history of pedophile groups is somewhat difficult to trace. Some of the best sources for information are acknowledged pedo- philes like authors David Sonensin and David Techter, who will be discussed later in this section.

Sonensin writes that one of the first organized groups in America was a pederast organization called the International Circle Enclave, which was active in the s. Early Publications The first era of pedophile publications discussed in this report will be those active in the mid-to-late s, when child pornogra- phy was still being sold in adult bookstores and most police depart- ments were not aggressively pursuing cases involving child sexual exploitation.

Person to Person [PTP] This pedophile newsletter based in Hollywood, California, was put out of business in with the arrest of its founder, Bobby Wayne Seida, on misdemeanor charges of pornography distribu- tion, and confiscation of its nationwide mailing list. William Dworin, who worked on the investigation. But a second issue was produced. Seida was arrested, Sworin recalled, as he was preparing to publish the third. PTP published nude photographs of pre- teen children and also contained classified ads such as these: 60 See note Would like to personally meet young girls in my area.

Young man wants to hear from anyone who may have very strong teen and pre-teen material for sale. Also fami- lies having fun- film or photos. Willing to exchange photos of my two daughters. Seek photos of nymphets 11 to 15, nude or semi-nude. According to Det. Seida was last reported living in Long Beach, California. Broad Street Journal [BSJ] Because of its longevity and the fact that it was edited by a former law enforcement officer, the Broad Street Journal of Evans, Colorado, merits significant mention in any discussion of pedophile publications.

Augustp. a blonde and hairless. No drugs. Also interested in models. Photo appreciated. Newsletter, and Hermes in Illinois. It is based in New York City, with active chap- ters in Los Angeles and San Francisco, but its approximately members are from throughout the United States and severed for- eign countries. As its name implies, NAMBLA is composed almost exclusive- ly of pederasts, or adult males who are sexually attracted to boys.

NAMBLA is strongly opposed to age of consent laws and other restrictions which deny adults and youth the full enjoyment of their bodies and control over their lives. Its members have mard in gay pride demonstrations around the country, it publishes a monthly newsletter that includes the names of its staff members, its leaders appear on radio and television and the group has region- al conferences open to the public.

Its members also tend to be well-educated professionals, includ- ing Rhodes, who as of this writing works as an attorney in the Newark, New Jersey, office of the Interned Revenue Service. Rhodes said that as of June,the group had about dues- paying members throughout the United States and several foreign countries, including an unknown number of police officers who sub- scribe under assumed names.

He estimated the total circulation of the NAMBLA Bulletin atwith about of that total sold in gay bookstores. In Washington, D. NAMBLA mso has many subscribers and supporters in foreign countries. Male minors often accompanied NAMBLA members.

The content of the meetings was reported to be similar to that of the NAMBLA Bulle - tiru general issues concerning pedophilia were discussed, but not specific actions that would qualify the discussions as criminal con- spiracies.

of other suspected molesters affiliated with NAMBLA are continuing. cifc, p. Office U j! Bergen County, NJ, Prosecutor's? One of those convicted was James Cooper, then 41, of Paramus, New Jersey, the recording sec- retary of the New York chapter of NAMBLA.

In February,Cooper was convicted of two counts of criminal sexual assault and two counts of criminal sexual contact with a year-old boy. He was sentenced to five years in the New Jersey State Prison. His case is on appeal. The walls were covered with photos of young male TV and film stars, some clothed, some semi-nude, and also large drawings of young boys engaged in sex acts. William Dworin of the Los Ange- les Police Department estimated that at least 0 CSC members have been convicted on child molestation charges around the coun- try.

cit 78 Subcommittee staffinterview, August Soon after, Davila announced that CSC was going out oi business. Daidla was indicted on a mis- demeanor obscenity charge, but the case later was dropped.

But affain, like NAMBLA, the activities of many of its members exposed the organization as little more than a contact service for pedophiles. Former CSC member Donald Wood- ward, a convicted child molester now imprisoned in California, told the Subcommittee he knew most CSC members were pedophiles, possibly as many as 85 percent. that satisfied them. Tiiey d drop out of CSC. They had found what they wanted. They were content.

Woodward said he met about a dozen pedophiles through CSC, including three men with whom he corresponded for several years. She was extremely against anyone knowing the inner work- ings of CSC. She kept the membership list entirely to herself. She never told you exactly how many members there were - very secre- tive about everything. Everybody reported directly to her. She would set them up. Subcommittee staff interviews, December and January i n cl uding his earn sexual activities with c hildren.

distribution of child pornography. As prevtoualy noted, however, current federal law does not prohibit bkw a pt otic adrtruaing. Confidentiality assured. Dao-abtr H My interests are swimming, boating, camping, skiing, sports. Very liberal minded. Please write! Omaha, NE 04 Techter told Subcommittee investigators that he is aware many Wonderland advertisers actually are undercover police officers.

In most issues Techter warns his readers about certain advertisers or correspondents with whom they may have dealt. Ward is an undercover police agent. Have nothing whatever to do with this man! Techter admits to running his own "counterintelligence" oper- ation against police officers hoping to use Wonderland to trap por- nographers and molesters. Having taken its name from a French psychiatrist and associate of Sigmund Freud, the Rene Guyon Society claims 5, supporters, including psychiatrists, parents, and physicians.

Wil- liam Dworin of the Los Angeles Police Department told the Sub- committee this is a wildly inflated figure, and the organization is probably little more than one. ioi Subcommittee staff interview, March We work for kid porn laws to make illegal any show of penetration of the vagina or anus without a condom being shown used. As a rule, the pedophile movement in Europe has been better organized and subjected to less police scrutiny than its American counterpart, according to U.

The July,issue of the PIE Bulletin, which was based in London, announced that the year-old organization was closing down due to impending prosecution of its members, inter nal dissen- sion and various problems that had left its executive committee exhausted and despondent. In the same issue, PlEs leaders assured the membership that a core group of pedophiles would remain active in the cause and encouraged fellow pedophiles to contact them.

The issue listed 2 other pedophilia support groups in Europe and the United States that its members should contact m PIE s absence. Its publications, Magpie and Contact, were similar to the NAMBLA Bulletin in that uioy rarely contained explicit sexual photos and instead concen- trated on discussions of pedophilia and treatises justifying this be- hsvior.

In a letter dated August,from a PIE offi- oal to an I n d i a na polis pedophile- a copy of which was reviewed by the Subcommittee - PIE said its recent appeal for help received the greatest response from American subscribers.

lnn giingo Paedo Alert News [PAN], published five times a year in Amsterdam by the Coltsfoot Press. July Sco tland, March 22, 0 27 some color printing and usually run more than 0 pages. Like vir- tually all pedophile newsletters of this type, PAN does not print child pornography. Instead, it appeals to its pederast audience with candid black-and-white photos of teenage ana preteen boys, usually playing sports or wearing swimming trunks or gym shorts.

While all pedophile publi- cations do this to some extent, PAN is by far the most sophisticat- ed. Often a police sting operation is in operation only a few months before PAN has told its readers how it works and who is probably behind it. Privately, police investigators say such counter-exposes are inevitable because they must invariably be exposed if a case goes to court and also because so many pedophiles correspond with each other.

PAN also provides the police with a valuable look inside the pedophile world. San Bernardino County, California, Sheriffs deputy R. Sonensin, before a recent conviction on child pornography distribution, was virtual- ly an organization unto himself.

He has written numerous articles for the Childhood Sensuality Circle newsletter and was named its co-editor before it ceased operation. He has corresponded with edi- tors of PAN, Wonderland, the NAMBLA Bulletin and other pedo- phile publications and was associated with the Austin Pedophile Study Group and the Howard Nichols Society, two defunct pedo- phile organizations in Austin.

From his home in Austin he offered for sale pamphlets not only on pedophilia, but also on homosexuality, children and sado-masochism and atheism, among many other subjects. Once you get to know a kid, you can meet their friends. And if you have sex with some that like it, they can tell those of their friends who may also be interested It s also a. good idea to get to know parents. Sometimes you can get babysitting tasks or you can just the kids places when they know you and know that the kids like being with you.

While suggesting that non-penetrating sex may be best with small children and cau- tioning that contraceptives should be used, the pamphlet goes on to say that experimentation is the key- try it all! He was convicted in April and sentenced to ten years m state prison. The conviction is on appeal.

Sonensin de- clined to be interviewed by the Subcommittee. Until then, Americans could purchase commercial child pornog- raphy in many adult bookstores throughout the country. In some it was openly displayed on shelves; in others a buyer had to ask the nght person or prove himself to be a regular customer. But it was readily available. In the adult pornography market, depictio ns of every imaginable fpnn of sexual behavior, including the most devi- ant, had been available for some time; and the fall of the last com- mercial taboo- child pornography - gave the pornography industry a boost in the s.

n The effect of the legislation was not immediate, but gradually in the late s commercial cnud pornography became more of an underground commodity. Today, because of intense law enforcement activity in the area and aggressive federal prosecution, it is extremely difficult to find true child pornography in an adult bookstore although some of the most popular adult pornography includes models who appear or are made to appear to be teenagers.

ow - child pornography from Europe entered the United States in the s before passage of the Protection of Chil- dren. Against Sexual Exploitation Act probably is impossible to de- termine. Customs Service records made no distinction between seizures of child and adult pornography, since such distinctions were not made by the statutes of that time. And even though the material was usually civilly forfeited, the recipients, who often were active child molesters, usually were not targeted for pro- active mvestigations as they are today.

The European child pornography industry had been active since the early s and operated without the scorn or scrutiny experi- enced by its American counterpart. The product, mostly magazines.

took effect on Feb. The Swedish medical model Kando of transsexualism is a rela- tively rigid system, allowing no transgender subjects with less nor- mative alignments between body and gender to be granted a change in sex status.

This has created a situation in which, if the transsexual subject is granted an SR S it will be fully state financed, while on the other hand if the application is denied, the transsexual individual has little possibility to seek help elsewhere in the country. To a great extent, the Swedish psycho-medical model is unique in its sternness. Another way to put this is that transsexual management 11 For excellent analyses of the introduction and implications of this law and the analytical implications thereof, see Alm and Edenheim For an ac- count and analysis of the inclusion of transsexualism into Dutch family law, see Orobio de Castro The term medical model was first used in connection with transsexualism by Thomas Kando in his book Sex Change.

The medical model is distinguished by the col- lection of patient biographical and in-depth psychological data from which classifi- cations, diagnostic criteria and various theories on the etiology of transsexualism are extracted.

Endocrinologists, psychiatrists, surgeons, clinical psychologists, and sexologists each play their part in constituting transsex- uality through the 'wrong body' discourse. See also Cromwell's use of medico-psychological. The empirical base for the analysis carried out in this thesis is constituted of all published Swedish psy- chiatric texts on transsexualism.

However, within this distinct group of works the works of LandenLanden et al. While these interviews form an important frame of reference and have provided rich background information for my analysis, I do not analyse the interviews per se in the course of this thesis. In the US, these university-based clinics, for instance the famous Johns Hopkins University Gender Clinic, were closed during the Reagan era in the s Bolin Since SR S procedures were privatised in the US, which entailed the closing of the university clinics, there has been a definite change towards a more transgendered population of individuals who are granted legal and medical SR S.

In this material, statements about FTMs are typically very scarce and extremely sparing of words. I would therefore like to under- score that the Swedish psychiatric texts and the practitioners in- volved are in constant dialogue with the international context.

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The manner in which I have performed this contextualising of the scarce statements in the Swedish material is mainly by tracing references from the Swedish material, manoeuvres that have sometimes distanced me a bit from the concrete Swedish context.

Hence, my analyses do not always pay specific concrete national attention when discussing certain phenomena within this discourse of transsexualism; instead, I try to draw a larger line cf. GarlickHalperin In the course of my continuous reading and analysing I have syn- thesised the depicted difference of the FTM into two amalgam statements. One is that the FTM passes much easier as a man than the MTF does as a woman, for example leading to depictions of the FTM being easier to diagnose and generally manage during the psy- chiatric assessment, as briefly stated earlier.

The other statement is that before the change in sex status the FTM is characterised by bio- logically based homosexuality to a much greater extent than the interviews, focusing on issues involved in their quest for a medical and legal change of sex status in general, and their personal experiences with psychiatric and other medical staff and the National Board of Health in particular. The interviews each lasted between hours and were conducted in They have been transcribed in full by the author, and all tapes are in the secure possession of the author.

My explorative point of departure is that, from analysing the statements and discussions that undergird these amalgam depictions that sometimes come in the form of common-sense statements so taken for granted that they seem almost impenetrable, it is possible to gain fundamental knowledge about that which grants meaning to asymmetrical constructions of gender and sexuality Luibheid ; Terry I am inspired by the Foucauldian discourse analysis, which em- phasises how the production of meaningful statements, and thus the construction of objects of knowledge, is achieved through rules and practices.

For the discursive formations operating within psychiatry that give meaning to gender and sexual deviance, categories com- prise a powerful way to order knowledge and produce meaning. Studying the shapes and forms of pivotal categories can make us aware of that which is cast as outside the normative formations of the discourse. Logic in this context is defined as not only that which governs an institution, but also that which governs the relationship between the different entities that form part of the discourse and its interactions with other systems Payne Logic is thus used here as that which pertains to and undergirds the formation of the discourse.

Borjesson further points out that pivotal in Foucault's understand- ing of the discursive formations giving meaning to categories such as gender and sexuality is that they will emerge in various shapes and forms in different places during a certain period of time Borjes- son This tendency suits my purposes in this work, however, allowing me to seek repetitions and occurrences of patterns and logic.

My manner of working analyti- cally is through systemisations and distillations of logic, thus my analyses cannot be taken as direct empirically applicable examples. In precisely this systemic ambition, it is moreover possible to assert that this study goes against the grain of many contemporary gender and sexuality studies, in that they often have a pronounced effort to seek dissonance, fluidity and variations when heteronormative norms are being challenged and broken.

While certainly acknowledging the great value of these kinds of studies, in this work I have a pronounced interest in systematically discerning explicit and implicit logic employed in the discursive formations granting meaning to gender and sexuality.

Inside out: component parts of gender and sexuality The illuminative gender trouble contained within the state institu- tionalised phenomenon of transsexualism is multifaceted. I assert that the most common social science studies on transsexualism have focused on the Carte- sian split between body and mind that the psycho-medical construc- tion of transsexualism makes so salient and that is seen to character- ise Western constructions of gender see, among many, Hirschauerand ; Roenb, c and d; Shapiro ; Orobio de Castro The construction of genders and sexualities through transsexual legislation has also been analysed Alm ; EdenheimOrobio de Castro However, to date no studies have been conducted that systematically attempt to ana- lyse the depicted difference of the FTM within the psycho-medical con- struction of transsexualism, in order to analyse this from a gender and sexuality perspective.

Her study, to my knowledge the only one that does this, has in many ways been an inspiration for this work Orobio de Castro The terms gender and sexuality are central to this study. To a great extent, these terms both constitute my analytical concepts and are pivotal parts of my empirical data.

This conceptual use furthermore extends to my use of sexuality. Treating gender and sexuality as analytically separate concepts in this manner is a move conducted in order to more clearly capture their distinction within the psycho- medical model.

I use the edition throughout. A female is a person with a vagina; a male is a person with a pe- nis. They wanted to probe the social rules and gender accomplish- ments that partake in the constant reproduction of this natural model of gender and its inevitable dichotomy of female and male.

The rules of the natural attitude of gender thus implied how bodies and sexu- alities are perceived as being interlinked with gender, but the im- mense importance of the logic of heterosexuality in maintaining the natural attitude of gender was, however, largely missing from these early attempts to deconstruct gender.

Another important theoretical frame of reference throughout this work is the concept of the heterosexual matrix as developed by Ju- dith Butler in her immensely influential book Gender Trouble. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity Butler This concept This line of sociological thinking played a huge part in formulating early social constructivist ideas about gender within femi- nism and queer theory, perhaps even much larger than is commonly acknowledged today Hird ; Irvine In such a manner, within the realms of the heterosexual matrix, a contrarily sexed body can still be accommodated within a certain gender position.

The heterosexual matrix clarifies the social and cultural logic, making it possible for us to perceive depictions of, e. Within this frame of reference, deviances such as mas- culine lesbians and their desire for women would thus be explained and logicalised through their seeming appropriation of masculinity.

Sexuality and gender Many have pointed out that it is notoriously difficult to pinpoint the content of, not to mention the interrelations between, the concepts of gender and sexuality.

Most seem to agree, however, that sexuality needs gender in order to take meaningful shape, but that the relationship also goes the other way. Without the notion of hetero sexuality and its profound ideas about complementary bi-polar gender presumably linking our bodies and minds with our heterosexual feelings, actions, looks and desires, gender would also lose its seemingly self-evident logic.

Thus, sexuality cannot be performed, depicted or comprehended entirely without notions of gender, and vice versa, much in the same way that the meaning of biological sex cannot be grd without being filtered through society's notions of gender.

To a certain extent, the smatic dividing line between queer and feminist theory has been that sexuality belongs to queer theory while gender assumingly has been the preferred area of interrogation in feminist studies Wiltonsee also Hausman However, as asserted by Butler: If gender is said to belong to feminism and sexuality in the hand of lesbian and gay studies [or queer studies] is conceived as liberated from gender, then the sexuality that is 'liberated' from feminism will be one which suspends the reference to masculine and feminine, reenforcing [sic] the refusal to mark that difference, which is the conventional way in which the masculine has achieved the status of the 'sex' which is one Butler Obviously, this broadly painted difference can only be maintained for analytical purposes, since the dynamic interrelations between shaming and policing of gender and sexuality means that they con- stantly feed into and off each other.

It is precisely this predetermination that I would like to focus on briefly. For instance, throughout this work I will argue that the em- ployment of the concepts of passivity and activity in conjunction with women and men, respectively, were of huge importance in lay- ing the grid of psychiatric taxonomies of gender and sexuality devi- ance.

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Expressed differently, for instance, the homosexual positions within the new taxonomy, especially when conceptualised as sexual inversion, were foremost positions in which the passive male and the active female could logically be placed.

Queer theory and the theories on gender and sexuality subjectiv- ities that have followed in Foucault's footsteps have theoretically and empirically encouraged more diverse connections between gender, sexuality and the body. However, the denominators used to identify and label these heteronormative disruptions clearly still draw on both meanings and symbolisms emanating from hegemonic genders and sexualities: a feminine man, female masculinity, a masculine woman, femme lesbian, butch.

From this analytical perspective, queer disruptions feed off and thus maintain the image of a norma- tive stable core of heterosexual genders Van Lenning ; Wieg- man For instance, will queer always have to be a visible disruption, and if so does this not make deviant gender the only measure through which queer can be seen? Or can one argue that the dependence on precisely that visibility is a shortcoming, making queer disruptions far too dependent on the hegemonically recognisable?

Queer and trans theories and practices have shed new light on these categories, investigating and recognising their contributions to the constant redrawing of what it means to be, for instance, masculine or feminine in conjunction with which bodies and which sexualities Butler This clearly shows how the very psychiatric tax- onomies of gender and sexual deviance have been the point of de- parture for queer appropriations of various kinds.

We thus have a dialectic relationship at hand, with implications not least for queer theory, which draws much of its subversive strength from precisely that which has been expelled from the heteronormative core. We must thus further understand how that which has been dispelled in- teracts with the core of the heterosexual matrix.

Would, then, my eating pussy make me into an acceptable queer, but fucking a husband in the ass would not? However, the distinction quite soon came under heavy critique, not least for its perhaps unwanted effect of main- taining stagnant notions of a stable and unchangeable biological sex.

With this she purports that there are no perceptions of neutral and clean biological bodily functions available to us out- side the discourses of gender. Arguably, gender has since turned into a new word for sex, as through these sex-is-gender-is-sex insights the term gender has be- gun to substitute for the term sex, in both academic language and popular use.

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For an analysis of how the concept of gender gradually replaces sex within feminist theory, see Nicholson Smatically, in agreement with Butler, we cannot grasp the meaning of sex unless we filter it through social conceptions of gender. The notion of sex as a somehow stable ground for gender to be enacted upon, and as such the two concepts being distinguishable from each other, has far from vanished in more empirically oriented work, in spite of token discussions in the adjacent theory chapters.

There is thus a need for an analytical distinguishing of the concepts of sex and gender. Not only is sex dependent on gender is dependent on sexuality in order to make sense - the production of gender also needs the mean- ings invested in the other concepts.

See, e. For a thorough review of this debate in a Swedish context, see Lundgren-Gothlin With reference to the now-famous US psychiatrist Robert Stoller, Walinder states that 21 For extensive historical analyses of this process, see Hausman and Meyerowitz They began identifying component parts of gender, distinguishing gender role from gender identity, and also separating gender from sexuality Meyerowitzemphasis added. In order to be able to analyse the meanings granted to gender and sexuality within the psychiatric context, it has been pivotal for me to be able to analytically nuance the concepts in more detailed compo- nent parts, just like Meyerowitz points to, albeit with somewhat different distinctions and terminology.

I would suggest, however, that to be able to analytically grasp the full employment of gender and sexuality within the psy- chiatric discourse on transsexualism, we need to extend these dimen- sions to at least six. I understand gender and sexuality as being manifested through socially scripted performativity. The component parts are interlinked in the hegemonic logic of the het- erosexual matrix so that, e. The different components and their invested meanings must be more or less in accordance for proper and correct gender to be per- formed and attributed, and from this perspective the component parts become parts of signification chains.

There are simply more cts, or com- ponents, involved in the assembly of gender and sexuality. My point of departure is that in order to detangle this back-and-forth circular movement, we need to start with a distinct separation of the components making up these concepts.

My first attempt at such a separation is a focus on the de- tailed work involved in trying to pass as a female or a male in the most profound manner of the phrase, namely through the transsexual example. In order to perform passing mas- culinity and femininity which seems important to transsexuals alsowe need to employ and master the gendered signs of the body. We are all invested in living gender through our gendered bodies. As such, the morphology of the body, the outside taken to correspond to the inside, partakes inseparably in the performance of gender.

Thus, psycho-medical transsexualism is constructed as a para- doxical two-way manoeuvre: the psychiatric definition of the phe- nomenon depends on the conceptual separation of gender from the sexed body. However, the solution to the problem is seen to lie in putting sex and gender back together again, as seamlessly as possi- ble. Gender passing As briefly mapped out in the introduction, FTMs pass easier than do MTFs and have a more successful transition in many ways. These two depictions are what I aim to contextualise in this part, first by charting how the outside of the body is read and taken to point at something character- defining on the inside.

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In the second section I look into gender crossing and the extent to which cross- gender representations can be accessed by either gender. As will become clear throughout this part, that which facilitates the easier passing of the FTM is also that which forms the bodily boundary and full stop for the assertion of it somehow being easier for women to dress in men's clothes than vice versa.

Evi- dently, empirically these processes can all interact at the same time, however I argue that by analytically bracketing the processes of passing and crossing, I gain an effective analytical measure by which I am able to lay bare some of foundational logic of passing and crossing. While I will use the term in the following to ana- lyse processes of passing with regard to gender, it is important to stress that passing has developed into a highly favoured concept, often to depict complex interactions involving other positions of race, sexuality, class and age Ginsberg Passing can also be used to depict movements such as those pointed out by Kathy Davis in her research on cosmetic surgery, e.

In these instances it is not, then, a person's sex or race membership status that is at 24 For intersectional analyses of gender, sexuality and race within the context of passing see, for instance, Ahme Davis and Butler For fur- ther analyses on the complexities of passing, see Lundstrom forthcoming Passing is an enormously important concept within the study and conceptualisations of transsexualism.

Garfinkel studied how Agnes achieved this seemingly natural status through securing and guaranteeing for herself the ascribed tights and obliga- tions of an adult female by the acquisition and use of skills and ca- pacities, the efficacious display of female appearances and perform- ances, and the mobilizing of appropriate feelings and purposes Garfinkel In the following, I will use one of the theoretical discussions that have followed regarding Garfinkel's story, as a way to introduce the specific nuanced cts of gender passing that are my focus in this part Rogers Firstly, I will focus on the specific practices of gender passing pertaining to transsexual individuals who want or need to be successful in their gender displays.

Concretely, in the passing situation, this might include practices and strategies aimed at covering up traces and signs of the original sexed body in order to pass as the other gender. This passing ct of having to transform and carry over a gen- der marked body into a new gender position is what makes the logic involved in transsexual gender passing so apt for analysing the vari- 25 For research analysing passing in transsexual contexts see, for instance, BolinCromwellDevorFeinbloom and Kando With an added sensitivity to the significance of the signs of the gendered body in giving mean- ing to femininity and masculinity, the quality of passing as a border- line investigator makes it an apt term for inquiries into what it is that you carry with you from your initial position e.

These signs of femaleness Agnes displayed thus made her passing as a female so successful from the very beginning during her treatment by Garfinkel that, Rogers argues, there were never truly any profound doubts on Garfinkel's part about Agnes's sex membership status.

However, the body's role in Agnes's successful passing is some- thing Rogers argues that Garfinkel overlooked and hence did not pay sufficient attention to, instead focusing mainly on that which made Agnes pass as a feminine person.

II Stoller Even though I agree with Rogers about the necessity of analytically separating what can be termed sex and gen- der in order to fully appreciate the interrelations of the two distinct passing practices involved here, I argue that she misses one vital ingredient in this interrelation.

Moreover, Roger does not pay any attention whatsoever to the fact that these bodily emblems in Garfinkel's text are mostly depicted as that which Agnes does not have on her body e. In extension, this analysis will also map out why it might be easier for FTMs to pass inconspicuously as men, while it might be a more difficult effort for MTFs to pass as women.

In the course of this section, I will aim to detail what it is about the body that will either help or hinder the transsexual's abilities to, through the new gender role, pass seamlessly as a man or a woman. This analysis aims to pinpoint the meaning of gendered bodily signs in the process of assessing transsexuals' abilities for inconspicuous passing.

Looking into the depictions of the transsexual's bodily conditions and thereof dependent ability for inconspicuous passing provides me with the possibility to momentarily bracket the significance of the outer body from both outer gender role and inner gender identity in the passing process.

Thus, I can investigate how the signs of the outer body partake in what is commonly thought of as gender role performance, as well as how this body-in-gender-role-performance is symbolically put to use in being taken to signify an inner proper gender identity. I smatically analyse the symbolic effects of the hor- monally and surgically altered transsexual body on practices of gender passing.

These changes are conceptualised as pivotal in the transsexual's journey towards living inconspicuously in the new gender; however, it is foremost the hormonal changes that are emphasised: The purpose of the hormonal treatment is to hormonally change the body towards the transsexual's experienced gender belonging.

What are then these bodily changes that potentially lessen the risk for exposure? The hormonal effects in MTFs are not as distinct: the voice does not get higher work with a speech therapist is often necessary to make this happenfacial hair growth does not disappear completely and the growth of female breasts might be very slow and not especially sat- isfying.

Venturing a bit further into this matter makes it clear that genitals actually have very little to do with this particular bodily ct of the transsexual's abil- ity to pass without arousing attention. In this, important questions arise as to what parts of our bodies actually make us pass as men and women in the gaze of the outsider. The gaze of the outsider - attributing gender The authoritative gaze of the outsider is seen to possess the ability to judge whether a transsexual individual will pass as just any other man or woman, or if there will be bodily details interfering nega- tively with their gender displays.

This kind of doing diagnosis is well evidenced in books of social science studies of transsexualism since the s.

There is an emphasis on the transsexual's social acceptance in making sure he has support from his family and friends, for instance in the use of gender-appropriate first names and pronouns Landen et al. Thus the concept of gender in their study is in line with later conceptual developments within gender studies. In this we use a row of learned and agreed-on rules for which combinations of gendered signs are to signify woman or man.

The cultural genitals are attributed through an interpretation of the variety of gendered cues that the person dis- plays.

Further, the body discussed here is not the genital body but rather these bod- ily conditions are specified as surgically and hormonally unchange- able features and thus clearly focus on other cts and parts of the body than the genitals. It thus also becomes clear that these physical impediments are a threat only to the MTF transsexual, the previously biologically male body now engaged in gender performance as a woman. The size and overall look of the body become important tools for the MTF transsexual's ability to pass.

In addition, most impor- tantly, the FTMs are not assessed in relation to, e. large hands or broad shoulders. breasts, voice pitch and facial hair, is the real work done in the gen- der attribution process.

It is the presence or lack of signs pointing towards a cultural penis that is pivotal in the attribution of any gen- der, male or female. This has been theoretically formulated in various ways, not least within psychoanalytical contexts such as having or being the Phallus, referring to mascu- linity and femininity, respectively see, e.

Thus, a person with, e. This would hence also be a part of the easier transitioning of the FTM - that he does not require a penis, but can work with what he already has with regard to the morphology of the body see Rubin FTMs are routinely depicted as more successful in their gender transitions - penis or no penis. This seeming paradox, for an FTM not to have an anatomical pe- nis while easily being recognised as a man, is a flagrant example against the natural attitude of gender.

This paradox brings up in- triguing questions regarding what cts of the body really cause us to be recognised as a man or a woman. At the same time, the lesser success of FTM surgical genital interventions i.

Smatically, it could thus be said that, hegemonically speaking, the FTM has an easier gender transi- tion and a more difficult genital transition, while the reverse could be said for the MTF. Many FTMs modify the outer parts of the genitalia in various ways Cromwell See Cameron and LaGrace Volcano for pictorial displays of this diversity.

This almost innate subver- siveness of the FTM is hard to grasp when considering transsexual- ism through MTFs and the lens of the natural attitude that so strongly emphasises genitals as the sign of being male or female. The non-genitally operated FTM even, stereotypically, passes bet- ter and more easily as a man than a genitally operated MTF does. It seems that not even remaining female breasts or pregnant bellies can threaten to break through the male-only signs induced by hormonal treatment.

The previously fe- male body of the FTM does not carry features seen as interfering with the subsequent gender display of the man. According to these assessments, remaining male-only signs on the MTF body threaten to burst through, even if the male-to-female transsexual has had genital surgery, extensive other cosmetic surgery and hormonal treatment. Conversely, there are seemingly few such remaining and non-alterable conspicuous signs on the FTM body that will threaten the masculinity of the FTM after hormonal and surgical treatment.

Absence or presence of male-only signs It would obviously be an empirical question to investigate what kind of male-only sign marks the hegemonic reality of gender and thus governs the gender attribution process.

There are obviously many nuances to the gender attribution process that I do not do justice to in this analysis.

This makes it possible to understand the relative ease with which the FTM can pass compared to the MTF. Conversely, it is not, as one might think, the absence of female signs that makes us attribute a male gender but rather the presence of male signs.

Possessing one concrete male-only sign might be enough to signal cultural penis and thus contribute to a male gender attribu- tion, while the seamless femininity will require an absence of all male-only signs. The female body is thus only to be seen in the absence of male- only signs. The comments for the MTFs are considerably more elaborate, often focusing on the use of feminine attributes such as clothes and make-up. The male accommodates the female The attribution of cultural penis dictates the gender attribution proc- ess and hence the in ability of inconspicuous passing.

It is this fashion of cross-dressing that I will aim to dis- cuss in this section and for which I use the concept of gender cross- ing, or cross-gender, rather than gender passing. The visible movement is typically performed through the display of attributes socio-culturally designated to the other gender position, while main- taining a visibility of the gendered corporeal position.

As shown in some of these works, women have historically been seen to hide from, and are often accused of fooling, their surroundings by disguising themselves as men in male attire.

See Young for a fascinating account, juxtaposing the story of a female cross-dresser during the Civil War, Loreta Velazquez, a. Cook Burgess then filed a sex discrimination suit that she subsequently won in Transvestism is an important category for the differential diagnosis delineating the transsexuals seen as most suitable for legal and medical SR S procedures.

Hence, most psychiatric practitioners assessing transsexuals will consider transvestism in the course of diagnosing their patients.

The differential diagnosis secondary transsexualism is inhabited by two main male types, the effeminate homosexual cross-dresser and the heterosexual transvestite. It be- comes clear that considering transvestism as a differential diagnosis is seen as relevant only in the case of MTF transsexuals, i. for bio- logical male SR S applicants: In the differential diagnosis, transvestism, a not uncommon sexual disturbance in the male, need not be considered here [with FTMs].

There are no female transvestites. Women may dress in male attire in order to look attractive, unusual, or for practical reasons, but they experience no sexual arousal and the compulsive and fetishistic ele- ment is absent Boweremphasis added. It is thus implied that this access to masculine items lessens the need for females to apply for SR S at least it was thought so in Moreover, a common approach to the phenomenon of women in men's clothes typically directs its explanation towards the convenience for, and the social acceptance of, women dressing in men's clothing: Although women in our culture wear many articles of clothing which might be called 'men's clothing,' their motive is not to imitate a man or take the social role of a male; such clothing is worn for the same reasons as any other clothing - for comfort, convenience, style, or protection.

There is no issue of cross-gender role behavior whatever Docteremphasis added. This obviously stands in stark contrast to the description of any man dressing in women's clothes: it is highly unlikely that he would be conceptualised as not wanting to achieve some kind of cross-gendered effect. masculine-connoted clothes can be accommodated by her as a woman and will not cause her to be questioned as a woman.

This would not be possible the other way around, as it is simply not conceivable that a man could walk around in women's clothing think, for instance, high heels and pink skirts, or even more modest feminine-connoted clothing and not being called into question as a heterosexual man unless, of course, he were to be conceptualised as a transvestite. This points to an asymmetry in the way cross-gendered clothes look on women and men, respectively. The dynamics between attire marked masculine and feminine is contextual, in both a temporal and situational manner, with many and significant changes both globally and historically.

But today, for instance within most parts of a Euro-American con- text, trousers can be worn by both men and women within their gen- der positions. This does not mean that a woman will not be seen as a masculine lesbian woman, androgynous or sexy, i. the masculine twist will be visible on her. My argument however is that it will, for instance, be con- tained within her gender position as a style of the modern woman rather than being indicative of a cross-gender representation.

The masculine symbolic charging of trousers is obviously still valid in many places throughout the world, where women's use of this article of clothing is strictly prohibited and thus can, if when wearing them she is still recognisable as a woman, result in serious threats on her life.

Here I want to emphasise that women's gradual access to, e. Thus, this does not mean that I assert that there are no gen- dered details manifested in male vs. female items of clothing. On the contrary, I believe that this dichotomisation is increasing and that it often sits in the tiniest of details see, e. Hence, there will be difficulties for a woman dressing in mascu- line attire to make visible, should she so wish, her intentions of stag- ing and representing the man.

The problem for the aspiring female transvestite or drag artisthowever, is that if masculine clothing on her, in contrast to feminine clothing on a man, is somewhat de-gendered and thus sits invisibly as a representation of cross-gender on her, contained within her gender position as a woman albeit with a masculine twistshe will be left with few means by which to manifest such a distinction, not to mention to show off masculinity as a cross-gender representa- 41 tion.

Thus, Butler's otherwise accurate assertion regarding the 41 And so it has, and still does, one must assert, not least within various lesbian subcultures see, e. The female transvestite is depicted as a rare encounter, not least when it comes to her possible sexual sides.

Stoller However, according to 2it is more difficult for women to rep- resent men and masculinity in a cross-gendered manner. Genders and bodies as un marked How can we understand the interrelations of these strands of logic, one pointing out the ease with which women have access to men's clothes without jeopardising their gender position as women and the other pointing towards the difficulties in making these clothes work as intentional cross-gender displays, while this is seemingly possible for the male?

How can we further understand the strands of logic giving meaning to the differences in the gendered values attad to feminine and masculine-connoted clothing? This artificiality of femininity and its effect when displayed on the male is my next focus.

Feminine pieces marking the male Esther Newton's study on female impersonators in the USA focuses precisely on this artificial quality of femininity. Extending into an everyday context, one can speculate that it has shifted around a bit. For instance, think certain earrings and pink shirts on a man, but on the other hand do not think high heels and red lipstick. The overwhelming effect feminine pieces have on the masculine system when displayed on a male is derived from femininity being the marked category.

Female Impersonators in America was first published in Feminine pieces can thus be conceptualised as paraphernalia that in a cross-gender context, such as transvestic or drag performance, can be used to appropriate, parody, mock, and emphasise femininity, their meaning shifting depending on who from which position dis- plays them. I want to strongly emphasise that empirically the dy- namics between the marked and unmarked categories are contextu- ally specific and have to be analysed in various intersectional chains: which feminine piece marks or does not mark which male subject is hence under continuous temporal and spatial change, subtly and not so subtly!

interplaying with dimensions such as sexuality, class, race, ethnicity and age.

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However, what femi- nine pieces all have in common is their being charged with an artifi- cially connoted on-off character, construing them as simultaneously detachable from the female and attachable to the female and the male.

Clothing and other items charged with clear cross-gendered sym- bolism such as feminine piecesand visible as such when juxta- posed with a cross-gendered body morphology, is an invaluable commodity in any transvestic or drag performance.

The marking effect of feminine pieces on the male is thus perhaps one of the most important ingredients in what makes male drag work. Butler uses the example of male drag to point out several important features of her theory of gender performativity.

What about masculine pieces? As Marjorie Garber aptly asks, are there indeed any masculine pieces for women and others to work with in cross-gender displays? Garber The answer is both yes and no, it seems, depending to a great extent on what kind of masculinity is to be impersonated Halberstam 44 This is not a discussion I will go further into here, but women can obviously also play with and display feminine pieces in a drag-like manner.

In that only femininity with its detachable feminine pieces is seen as possible to fetishise, both men and women erotically fetishise femininity. In men, then, this is called transvestic fetishism, while in women it has been termed homovestism. Implicitly in this assertion is that constructions of hegemonic masculinity are less open to impersona- tions.

Historically, in a Euro-American context, there have also ex- isted several recognisable, and indeed highly detachable, masculine pieces, such as the monocle Garber To which extent this cross-gendered representability of subordinated masculinities vs. the non-representability and non-detachability of hegemonic masculinity has to be explored through the dynamics of sexual, racial and class submissions and dominations is beyond the scope of my present inquiry.

However, Iris Young suggests that this is the case in her elaborations on the five mechanisms of oppression Young I would add that, smatically, in contemporary contexts it seems that those who can be represented through pieces in impersonation acts are those in a position structurally subordi- nated to hegemonic white masculinity.

In addition, there is an impending risk that her intended cross-gender display of masculinity will simply melt into the range of normal unmarked masculinity Murray This is however not to say that women cannot or do not successfully im- 45 As Garber points out, historically masculine pieces were, in times reigned by sexual inversion logic, not least used most creatively by queer women to signal their perceived inverted gender and sexuality Garber The opportunities for the marked category to appropriate the signs of an unmarked cate- gory like masculinity, on the other hand, appear severely limited.

I propose that the asymmetrical circumstance that men can imper- sonate and represent femininity to a much higher degree than vice versa constitutes an apt nexus for a necessary deepened understand- ing of the key fabricating mechanisms that produce gender. There is one such key mechanism, often overlooked, that I argue grants thor- ough meaning and intelligibility to the performance of male drag and other male cross-gender representations; namely, the visible male body of the unmarked man.

For a non-Western example, see for instance research on the famous Ta- karazuka tradition in Japan Robertson Also in a Euro-American setting, there are no doubt many successful drag kings, doing all sorts of male impersona- tions and performances of masculinity.

For further writings on women impersonating men and the im possibilities of female lesbian drag, see, e. As analysed previously regarding transsexual passing, the detec- tion of a person's assumed gendered anatomy is typically determined through the reading of, e.

The detection of male-only signs on the male drag artist, at some given point during the performance, is a must. I suggest that the unmarked male intentional cross-gender staging of a marked category such as femininity relies paradoxically on the simultaneous bodily visibility of the unmarked category.

The visibility of the body of the unmarked is crucial to the possi- bility of even staging an impersonation of the pieces of the marked.

This hence gives us some clues as to why the performance of drag might smatically be a more difficult undertaking for women than it is for men. In the case of females impersonating men, the body of the marked here, a woman becomes curiously invisible Orobio de Castro For instance, if she were to em- build upon the conceptualisation of detachable pieces in the case of blackface it was thus, among other props, the black skin that constituted the detachable pieces from subordinate societal layers, usable for a dominant category to work with in performances.

While these white blackface minstrelsy shows are today clearly understood within a frame of white dominance, and are thus taken as examples of degrading imperialistic and racist practices, male drag is mostly not conceived in a similar manner, focusing on societal power relations.

In my view, this does point to very interesting differences regarding the im possibility to make claims about, e. See Murray for an interesting discussion on the differ- ence in misogynist approach between heterosexual and homosexual male drag.

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In my view, this asymmetry is rendered salient in Butler's discus- sion of females in connection with the gendered practices involved in drag and cross-dressing. This is in contrast to the male drag artist, who is conceptualised as enough in his own performance and not always necessarily a homosexual male.

The impact and structure of his performance is discussed in terms of laying bare the very con- structive mechanisms of gender itself. Or, phrased differently: the parody in male drag performance is employed by Butler to deconstruct the all-compassing i.

The seeming non-performativity of hegemonic masculinity, its restricted repertoire, yes, its very realness, is underscored and made possible through the strength of this performative sign construed as attad to the male body. We have seen that detachable feminine pieces mark the male from the outside.

I will now argue for the need to focus on an analogue marking process in operation, namely that through which the female becomes marked by phallic traces. Phallic traces are furthermore an attempt to go beyond mas- culinity and closer to a conceptualisation of a symbolic phallic core.

Here, however, I will point to the marking process of the phallic traces marking the female, which receives much less sys- tematic attention especially in connection to its clear connotations of the male-only signs of the male phallic body. The lack of detachable masculine pieces seems to suggest that there is no object like the feminine piece intruding into the masculine system mapped out by Newton that would have the same destructive strength on the feminine system.

The logic stipulating that women have freer access to masculine-connoted clothing also points in this direction. I strongly argue, however, that on a more subtle level, phallic traces on the female are constituted exactly as such an intruder, potentially destroying her possibilities of passing as a feminine person. I will now extend the analysis of male-only signs inhibiting the MTF transsexual's passing as a woman onto this passing as a femi- nine female. Here I will extend this assertion to the condition of failure for passing as a feminine woman is to display phallic traces, conceptu- alised as those signs on the female body associatively linked to male-only signs and thus to the phallic male body.

As we have seen, in contrast to the artificial put on-take off quality of feminine pieces, hegemonic masculinity is represented as a proper belonging only to men. Phallic traces are symbolically connected to the idea of the mas- culine real, construed to represent masculinity and consolidating the realness and non-performative character of masculinity.

The symbolic representational mouldings of male and female bodies in a Western socio-cultural context are pivotally conceptual- ised in areas such as her relatively smaller body size. Obviously, it is important to emphasise that, empirically, both female and male bod- ies come in different shapes and sizes. However, several feminist cultural analyses seem to indicate that through self-policing, women adhere more closely than men do to symbolic representations of femininity in their gender performances, with the required smallness of women enormously prevalent see, e.

For instance, her femininity is not affected by his rela- tively lesser masculinity to the same degree that he is rendered small and unmanly by her being large and non-feminine Asesee also Bartky However, concretely, in a bodily context on the 52 An increasing number of studies from various areas support these amalgam for- mulations, especially in areas concerned with women becoming integrated into previously male-dominated areas such as the police force and the military; see, e.

When exploring the taboo of phallic traces of the female, i. signs potentially nullifying any claims made on passing as a femi- nine female person, it is thus virtually impossible to overlook the immense tabooed phallic significance invested in this unwanted and embarrassing growth of hair.

The introduction of these female body hair-shaving practices in a Western context occurred in the s, in the wake of the many societal changes involving women entering the public sphere. There is an increasing amount of work being done in this hairy area, most em- phasising the importance of the absence or presence of body hair as markers of gendered difference.

As such, visible hair in the wrong place on the female body might be the most heavily tabooed phallic traces on the female presently to be found. that which I have termed feminine pieces.

Unarguably, the practice of removing body hair on females is invested with many social nuances and meanings, also medically and historically. Bodily intersections of markers of class, race, sexuality and age, to just name a few, can radically change the significance and context of body and facial hair on a woman.

A great account of how the meaning of body hair actually has nothing to do with the hair per se, but everything to do with on whom and where it is, can be found in Fanny Ambjornsson During her fieldwork at a high school, young girls expressed total disgust at not removing their own body hair.

Men, however, shave more and more areas of their bodies, and it would be an interesting research question to investigate whether and how bodily gender differences are still upheld through subtle differences, e. But the corresponding was not so often true of the transsexual women [FTMs].

Clinical experi- ence bears this out. The male transsexual [MTF] is more feminine than the average female in the way he gestures, the way he moves, the way he speaks and in what he says; he seems to be striving for the very ultimate in femininity, and that is why he so often seems so affected.

The female transsexual [FTM] behaves more naturally Walinder Masculinity being upheld thus seems to be dependent on femininity as something detachable that can be reputed. Bolin ; Kando ; Orobio de Castro See Kroon for further dis- cussions of the test battery used in psychiatric assessment of transsexualism.

I will analyse femininity-masculinity tests in Part III. I will here suggest that this tendency towards exaggerating femininity might, at least partly, be due to the need for MTFs to use an excess of feminine pieces in order to cover up for remaining bodily con- spicuous phallic traces or even male-only signs on their bodies, as discussed above.

the perceived naturalness of the FTM, that the label effeminate homosexuality is used only for males, ruling out the possibility for females to be effeminate homosexuals.

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While the term is frequently used to describe the MTF in psychiatric contexts, often in discussions regarding the differential diagnosis see Part IIIthere has never been a sub-group established for female cross- dressing homosexuals-cum-transsexuals named, e.

This conceptualisation leads to MTF femininity existing in two ver- sions, one effeminate more artificial and one normal femininity, indicative of true MTF transsexuals. This con- ceptualisation of femininity would thus suggest that it exists only through displays of feminine pieces. Orobio de Castro Effeminate femininity is a proper belonging to cross-gender staging males. Increasingly, within the con- text of the modern Euro-American identity turn, the outer body's task to signal the status and state of the inner body has become in- tensively emphasised.

Dressing, acting and moving like a woman might not be sufficient for passing as a feminine one. The body's morphology and the meanings invested in it, makes its way back into the gender performance, in spite of the governing distinction between sex and gender within the psychiatric context stipulating a conceptual severing of sex and gender.

In line with this and on a more abstract note, in the process of passing as a feminine person, male-only signs and derived phallic traces could be concep- tualised as signs not allowed on the woman. In this, phallic traces symbolically become important tools in the passing processes that have to do with securing one's passing inconspicuously also when it is not passing as a female but passing as, e.

Femi- ninity is up for cross-gender grabs in a way that masculinity is not as of yet, at any rate. I would argue that this is also increasingly the case for lesbian women, in that the demands on them to be gender straight seems to grow - hence my resistance to write off the taboo of phallic traces as solely a hetero- sexual endeavour.

However, it might still be a heteronormative ven- ture in that its symbolic mission is to maintain the woman - regard- less of sexual object choice - free of phallic traces. In a subtle and obscured analogue with the marking effect of feminine pieces on the male, phallic traces on the female are not possible to accommodate within a gender position as an authentic woman.

Phallic traces will thus cause the woman, MTF and non-transsexual alike, to be questioned, shamed or ridiculed to various degrees in her position as a woman. Mannish is lesbian is mannish is lesbian Phallic traces on the female are also commonly depicted within a certain well-known circle of representation, smatically expressed as mannish is lesbian is mannish is lesbian. Just like feminine pieces on the male will mark him through various chains of associations, phallic traces on the female do this as well.



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