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Despite unbalanced economic growth and labor exploitation, an aggressive state export policy and a favorable international economy including low interest rates on foreign loans resulted in massive Korean export expansion through the s.

Car ownership in Seoul alone increased almost 20 percent each year between and With such economic growth, however, there was an increasing demand for the Korean government to liberalize its import policies and financial markets in many industries, including film.

Since the mids the Korean government has been pressured to remove the screen quota and other protective measures in the Korean film industry. Unlike Korean New Wave directors such as Jang Sun-woo and Park Kwang-su, who were involved with political activism and student movements, most Generation directors were not directly engaged in such student activism in the s-with the possible exception of a few, including Jang Yoon-hyun. The Generation directors are known more for their film expertise than their activism, having been trained in film school at home or abroad, or in the government-subsidized Film Academy.

Nonetheless, the Generation directors did witness the political turmoil in the s, and their experiences, even as bystanders, seeped into their work. Moreover, there is a continuity although not always discernible between a cultural milieu such as the minjung movement of the s and the rise of commercial cinema in the s and onward. Despite the divergent subject matter and styles, the pursuit of and respect for ''the popular''-through either the cultivation of indigenous art forms forgotten by the public as in the minjung movement or the borrowing of conventions from abroad as in commercially oriented cinema-might be seen as a common thread that links the cultural divide of these two periods.

Major players among the Generation directors include Kang Je-gyu b. Kang Je-gyu attended film school at Chung-ang University, one of the so-called Big Three universities that initiated film programs the other two are Dongguk University and Hanyang University. In his interview accompanying the dvd release of Shiri, Kang openly acknowledges his ambition to compete with Hollywood cinema and to discredit the prejudice that Korean cinema lacks entertainment value. His film Shiri started the box-office race among Korean blockbusters, including JSA and Friend, and he broke the box-office record again with his film Taegukgi in Kim Sung-su earned a master's degree in film at Dongguk University after he graduated from Sejong University, majoring in English language and literature.

Kim's breakthrough film, Beatcaught the attention of audiences and critics alike not only for its fatalistic portrayal of adolescent life but also for its overall film style.

Kim Kwak, an nyu graduate, struggled commercially until he directed the box-office hit Friend, a semiautobiographical story set in Busan. The film follows four friends, two of whom go to college after graduating from high school, while the others end up working for rival gangs. Kwak's next two films, Champion and Mutt Boydid not enjoy the level of commercial success of Friend, but one can find thematic continuity in the three films' exploration of nostalgia and local culture.

Champion spoke to the memories of an older generation familiar with the story of boxer Kim Deuk-gu, who died in the s during a match in the United States. In Mutt Boy, set in Milyang, a small city in a southern province of Korea, Kwak explores local dialect and a father-son relationship, as he did in Friend. After the lukewarm reception of blockbuster Typhoon see Appendix 1Kwak directed A Lovewhich is again set in his hometown of Busan.

By the film industry appeared to be polarized between high-budget blockbusters and relatively low-budget comedies, a situation that concerned many critics and industry personnel. The films of Kim Tae Established in with government subsidies, kafa played a substantial role in providing talent that the Korean film industry sorely needed. kafa was established with the goal of educating and training filmmakers who would revive the film industry with their talent and film expertiseespecially important with the industry under constant pressure to open the market.

Started as a one-year program when first founded inand expanded to a two-year program inkafa attracted many talented students who had not had the opportunity to receive film training in college. Films such as The Way Home Lee Jeong-hyangthe second-top grosser ofand Memories of Murder Bong Joon-hothe top grosser ofattracted audiences with their subtle characterization, sensibility, and aesthetics. Hong, who earned an mfa from the Art Institute of Chicago, is seemingly indifferent to past national traumas, while Kim Ki-duk's primal sexual politics and Kim Jiwoon's moody or witty characters can easily bypass national trends.

The political specificities of a nation-state contribute to the formation of a filmmaker's artistic identity, but the relationship between the two is hardly deterministic. Those s, the experience of which varies even among the Generation, have become the seedbed for various styles of filmmaking that the following chapters will investigate. Steven Spielberg, in the s and s. The Paramount decrees of ruled that the major studios had to dismantle their vertically integrated system and divest their theater chains.

Furthermore, Hollywood was losing their audience to tv and other forms of leisure. With the court ruling on divestiture, the major studios were freed from the responsibility of providing an annual lineup of movies that would fill their own screens with decreasing profits. Instead studios started to invest larger sums of money on fewer films in the hopes that through the aid of global distribution, saturated booking, and carefully calculated marketing strategies, they would increase profits.

Production costs in the Korean film industry have been rapidly escalating since Shiri, including those of Kang's next film, Taegukgi How-ever, if the same criteria are used to compare Korean blockbusters with Hollywood blockbusters, one will lose the significance of the rise of Korean blockbusters within the East Asian market.

Korean blockbusters demand a different set of measures in order to be properly situated and evaluated. What constitutes a Korean blockbuster film? Is Shiri indeed the first Korean blockbuster film? What are the consequences of producing highbudget films given the Korea's relatively small market? What are the characteristics of Korean blockbusters in terms of theme, narrative, and style? This chapter examines the idea of Korean blockbusters in light of two criteria proposed by Steve Neale: ''specialness'' and ''spectacle.

However, these two concepts can provide us with guidelines for comparison and contrast among Korean blockbusters, as well as between Korean and Hollywood blockbusters. Korean BlockbustersThe establishment of the blockbuster in South Korea was partly credited to the success of Kang's second feature Shiri. In the Seoul area alone, which accounts for almost a quarter of the nation's 48 million population, Shiri sold 2.

The success of Shiri was a cultural, economic, and industrial phenomenon, and it paved the way for the emergence of subsequent blockbusters, creating the so-called Shiri syndrome. ? The Korean blockbuster trend continued, reaching its pinnacle inwith Friend Kwak Kyung-taek,brought the blockbuster trend to a temporary halt; but was again marked as a year for blockbusters.

? In Bong Joon-ho's The Host also broke the record by selling 1 million tickets. According to Neale, the ''special'' status concerns its industrial and production circumstances, achieved through production scale, cost, method of distribution, as well as the amount of publicity a film receives.

A Hollywood blockbuster is heavily advertised long before its release and enjoys saturation booking, opening nationwide on between two thousand and seven thousand screens. Neale also stresses the importance of technical specialty, including special effects and sound technology. Dolby and other sound systems played an important role in assigning special status to blockbuster films of the s, thereby distinguishing these films from films of the previous decade.

As Neale acknowledges, spectacle-another important criterion for blockbuster status-is harder to define. Spectacle can be thought of as an extratextual quality, which Neale calls ''presentational prowess.

These features include spectacular landscapes, explosions, chases, battles, fights, costumes, and more. For regional blockbusters, such as Korean blockbusters, certainly both ''specialness'' and ''spectacle'' should be taken in a relative sense and discussed within a specific historical context. As Chris Berry accurately observes, adoption of blockbuster strategy for non-Hollywood industries such as those of South Korea and The People's Republic of China inevitably involves a scaling down, or ''de-Westernizing'' process.

First, production costs have been escalating rapidly for the last decade. What used to qualify as a big-budget now represents just slightly above-average production costs. Take, for example, Kang Je-gyu's Gingko Be a precursor to Korean blockbusters. Furthermore, with the expansion of the multiplex and increasingly aggressive marketing strategies, it is hard to determine what constitutes saturated booking in the Korean domestic market.

For instance, Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone Chris Columbus, set a record inwhen it opened on nearly screens out of screens in Korea; but in Korean blockbusters such as Silmido and Taegukgi opened on and screens, respectively out of screens total.

What are the features unique to Korean blockbusters? What are some possible explanations for the tendency of Korean sci-fi blockbusters to flop? First, the adoption of Hollywood conventions initially led to tighter narratives, eliminating the episodic narratives previously characterizing Korean cinema. However, Korean thrillers have now augmented their structure to compete with Hollywood cinema. On the contrary, New Hollywood has given rise to a debate over whether the narrative structure of contemporary Hollywood cinema is as causally tight as classical Hollywood cinema: whether the insertion of ''spectacles'' disrupts the narrative advancement of the latter, which is necessitated by characters' motivations.

Whether such a change is a matter of degree or of kind is still an ongoing debate, but such a debate itself shows that blockbuster films brought about changes in the narrative structure of Hollywood films, probably by loosening causality. However, the significance of these films in their respective industries differs considerably. Hollywood blockbuster films employ genres that once belonged to the province of B-films during the studio era, while Korean blockbuster films borrow genre and stylistic conventions from abroad and fashion them to appeal to a Korean audience.

With no stable studio system in place, the Korean film industry lacked the production hierarchy that Hollywood studios had long sustained. If there was an inversion of the rank with the advent of New Hollywood, Korean blockbusters lack an institutional-and thus ideological-implication associated with such a change. In this regard, the Generation directors' turn to blockbuster filmmaking-regardless of whether it is because of industry-related circumstances or personal predilections-diverges greatly from the minjung cultural movement of the s, which attempted to revive indigenous cultural art forms such as madangeuk and mask dancing, in order to appeal to and mobilize the masses.

The Generation directors employ Hollywood's production strategies and stylistic norms in order to appeal to the Korean people. One may even find the Generation directors' commercial turn ironic, given the fact that these directors are known for their political activism. It may appear that the Generation directors lost their political edge and artistic vision by succumbing to the commercial pressures and demands of the globalized film scene.

However, such an assessment simplifies the phenomenon in question and downplays the active negotiation that has taken place within a small film industry like South Korea's.

In academia, both in North America and Korea, third-world cinema emphasizes its alternative ct, underscored by such labels as cinema of ''opposition, '' of ''resistance, '' of ''anti-imperialism, '' and of ''postcolonialism, '' among others.

With Korean blockbusters, as well as Hong Kong cinema and Indian cinema-which emerge as alternative ''entertainment'' cinemas-their significance cannot be measured with the same yardstick applied to festival-oriented cinema.

What is at stake is not the originality or political transgression of Korean blockbusters but the interplay between the global and the local: how locality-regardless of whether it is indigenous to a particular culture or hybrid-is transformed and utilized for global and national needs. One of the peculiarities of Korean blockbusters can be found in their appeal to a shared sense of Korean history as one possible means of product differentiation from Hollywood and other national cinemas.

Many Korean sci-fi blockbusters such as Yesterday Why have North-South issues become such a popular topic for successful Korean blockbuster films? One may find an answer by linking the subject matter of these films directly to the specificity of South Korea as a nationstate.

During the cold-war era, South Koreans were led to believe that North Koreans were untrustworthy enemies. But if anything, during the post-cold war era the popular conception of North Korea has become that of an invisible counterpart rather than a threat. Although North-South issues resurface from time to time, these usually occur only before or after a presidential election.

David Scott Diffrient claims that Shiri represents North Koreans as invisible ''others'' and argues, ''The image track is. anchored to an ideological uncertainty of nationhood and history that verges on national amnesia. The capital of South Korea, cinematically painted as a city of anonymous tenement buildings, department stores, and governmental agencies, has been built atop the debris of a past forgotten by all but the North Koreans.

The border between North and South is cinematically crossed to render North Koreans as victims of the same cold-war politics as South Koreans. The theatrical release of JSA, in fact, was preceded by a summit conference between North Korean leader Kim Jung-Il and then-South Korean president Kim Dae-jung, held in the summer of The political atmosphere, together with more permissive attitudes and less censorship, are conditions that make the existence of these films possible.

However, such an explanation falls short of providing us with a complete picture as to why blockbuster films such as Shiri, JSA, and Taegukgi have turned to such subject matter. A more immediate cause can be found in marketing strategy. In order to reduce the risk involved in producing blockbusters, the Hollywood industry often bases its films on presold properties: best-sellers, comics, plays, tv shows, or well-known historical events.

One of the benefits for production companies in adapting preexisting works is that a lucrative target market has already been established. Furthermore, it is possible to create audience awareness and anticipation prior to a film's release. Hollywood blockbusters feature protagonists ranging from dinosaurs to Batman and aliens to hobbits. In contrast, one current trend in Korean blockbusters relies heavily on ''historical'' events.

Although JSA and Silmido are based on presold properties-the novels DMZ Demilitarized Zone and Silmido, respectively-it does not appear that these two films gained substantial profits from the popularity of these books.

A novel's adaptation may shorten the preproduction phase, or possibly facilitate an investor's decision to fund a film project. But more importantly, the apparent historicity of Korean blockbuster films can yield the following additional benefits. For an action-packed blockbuster, one must devise a narrative in such a way that fight scenes or physical confrontations are narratively integrated as well as plausibly motivated. Historic wars and espionage, more than anything, can easily lend verisimilitude to gunfights, especially since guns are banned in Korea.

It is worthwhile to note that the North-South issue and the Korean War are not historic events only recently made available for the new generation of filmmakers to explore. Such political issues provided a historical background for action and espionage films in the s and s as well. She falls in love with Yeong-ol whom she saves from accusations of being a thief. Yeong-ol works for a national security agency and is assigned to track down the North Korean spies who have infiltrated the South.

The two face the dilemma of either fulfilling their job or following their heart. The North and South Kim Ki-duk, also features a loving relationship caught in the North and South divide. A North Korean Lieutenant Jang surrenders himself in order to look for his love, Eun-a, a woman he was separated from before the war. A love triangle between Jang, Eun-a, and her current husband Lee ends tragically, as Jang commits suicide out of guilt. Red Muffler Shin Sang-ok, showcases the spectacle of the South Korean Air Force against the backdrop of the Korean War.

The representations of North Korea have changed throughout history; with the arrival of a civilian government in the early s, North Koreans have been portrayed in a more humane manner, devoid of anti-Communist sentiment.

But the Generation directors' exploration and appropriation of the North-South issue should be considered as product differentiation from Hollywood blockbusters and other national cinemas. In their films, the Generation directors utilize the unique cts of Korean culture and history for commercial gain.

The adaptation of a historic event into a blockbuster can further function as a marketing strategy to target a film to a larger audience.

As previously mentioned, the Korean industry relies heavily on box-office revenue to recoup production costs. The sense of plausibility and verisimilitude derived from the historical circumstances of Korea, and the audience's familiarity with historical events, enable production companies to broaden the scope of their target audience to include audience members over forty years old.

In a country where theater admissions comprise three quarters of total revenue in Hollywood, box-office income accounts for only one forth it is imperative for Korean producers to cater their products to a multigenerational audience. One possible cause for some Korean blockbusters' box-office failure, then, can be found in their appeal to mostly young audiences.

The avocation of and enthusiasm for Korean blockbusters within the Korean film industry is, thus, twofold. The industry personnel were anxious to attract the Korean audiences to theaters by evoking a sense of shared crisis-the encroachment of the domestic market by the ''foreign'' companies. Consumer nationalism-the idea that consumers' choice should be based on national interests-is achieved through the producing of nationspecific not necessarily nationalistic contents.

The Generation directors' commercial take on the national division does not inherently rule out the possibility of making a forceful political statement regarding the contradictory nature of Korean political circumstances.

However, these political gestures in recent Korean blockbusters are ''abstract'' in the sense that they neither align with any particular regime or political ideology nor provide any alternative solution or suggestion. These Korean blockbusters question and doubt the legitimacy of the militaristic nationalism and ideology advanced and advocated by the Korean government for the last couple of decades, yet they do not provide any alternative national ideals.

Nonetheless, such blockbusters provide an occasion or a site for audience and filmmaker alike to revisit and reconsider issues specific to Korea through cinematic means. In this regard, one can find a close parallel between Korean blockbuster films and films directed by the Hong Kong New Wave's Tsui Hark.

In his Once Upon a Time in China series, Tsui features Wong Fei-hong, a folk hero whose story is endlessly remade in Chinese cinema. Through the series, however, Tsui laments the fate of China at the turn of the century: ''China as a country of lost opportunities. Set in Los Angeles with dialogue mostly in English, the film incorporates the Korean legend of the mythic dragon. Ill-fated lovers Ha-ram and Na-rin, the latter of whom is destined to sacrifice her life for the transformation of imoogi creatures from Korean myth that are cursed and unable to become dragons into a dragon, are reincarnated as Ethan and Sarah in Los Angeles, five hundred years after their deaths in Korea.

Cultural critic Jin Jung-kwon's denouncement of the film on national television forum triggered the audience's rage. Jin attributed the film's popularity to the evocation of national sentiment and criticized the film for its lack of narrative logic and plausibility.

Fans of D-War were outraged, voicing their views on the Internet. To the eyes of many of these fans the lack of narrative cogency can be justified by reference to comparable narrative strategies found in Hollywood blockbusters. This debate certainly deals with issues broader than the proper evaluation of the film, but it also emphasizes how the notion of nationalism is articulated in different ways within both the industry and popular discourse.

Nationalism has long functioned as a marketing strategy not only for D-War but also for previous blockbusters such as Shiri, JSA, and Silmido; midbudget films such as Forever the Moment Im Soon-rye, ; and even festival-oriented films such as Im Kwon-taek's Sopyonje and Chunhyang However, what is intriguing in this debate is that Hollywood's example has become the yardstick employed in both the South Korean film industry and among audience members to judge the quality-both technical and stylistic-of a film; but the significance of adopting Hollywood style needs to be further examined within the trajectory of the transformation of the Korean blockbusters.

New Wine in New WineskinsWhen Shiri was released, audiences and the media alike raved that it is like a Hollywood movie. As Shin Chi-Yun and Julian Stringer note, many of the narrative devices and premises reference the action films of other national origins Hollywood and notably France : the training of a female assassin La Femme Nikita, France and the dismantling of a bomb Speed and Die Hard, USA.

By borrowing Hollywood narrative conventions, Shiri presents a fast-paced story with a more contemporary style. But this does not mean that director Kang merely mimicked Hollywood techniques. Popular trends in Korea for the last three decades-comedy, melodrama, and the ''road'' movie-have relied on episodic narrative structure, and Kang's adoption of Hollywood conventions marks a departure from the norms of Korean cinema.

This deviation helped his film to achieve a certain novelty and receive ''event'' status-something that breaks sharply from cinematic routine-which was what Shiri as an early blockbuster was striving for.

Among Korean blockbusters, Shiri is most faithful to Hollywood narrative conventions. Shiri concerns North Korean special agent Lee Bang-hui also referred as ''Hui'' throughout the filmwho assassinates South Korean political leaders and researrs. After completing her assassinations, she disappears from the public eye and goes to Japan to receive plastic surgery.

She then changes her identity to Lee Myeong-hyeon, and falls in love with a South Korean, Yu Jong-won, who is a national intelligence service agent.

While Yu is trying to track down Hui, North Korean terrorists led by Park Mu-yeong infiltrate the South to steal a liquid bomb called ctx in order to blow up a soccer stadium during a North versus South match. Yu foils their attempts to overthrow both the North and South governments, and Hui is killed by her lover at the end of the film. Shiri follows Hollywood dual-plot structure; the protagonist Yu has to track down the North Korean assassin, Hui; but, at the same time, Yu is to be married in the next month.

Hui Myeong-hyeonin the role of both enemy and lover, brings the two plots together at the end of the film. Kang's use of Hollywood narrative structure, however, serves various functions.

Hong Kong gangster films, such as the A Better Tomorrow series, center on loyalty among male protagonists, while typically minimizing the romantic subplot-John Woo's The Killer being an exception. In A Better Tomorrow I John Woo,Kit's girlfriend Jackie is the only female character. Although she tries to unite two brothers, Ho and Kit, who have drifted apart, her role within the narrative is minor. Moreover, the romance between Kit and Jackie never develops.

Kang's expansion of the romantic subplot is a strategy to differentiate his film from Hong Kong cinema, while tailoring it to a Korean audience already accustomed to Hollywood cinema. With a slight narrative twist, Kang manages to keep both the action-based plot and the romantic subplot intact and prevents the latter from dangling.

Shiri borrows three major narrative strategies from Hollywood cinema: deadline, causality, and redundancy.

For example, in order to track down Hui, Yu and his partner, Lee, need to identify the next victim, while North Korean commander Park threatens the national intelligence service by telling them when the next target will explode.

In addition, the narrative is structured via a series of events based on cause and effect. All the spectacles introduced in the beginning of the film are causally linked, and each scene leaves a question open. For example: Why did Hui kill Lim, a secret-weapons dealer, and Kim, a researr at National Defense lab? This is answered in the next scene: Hui needs ctx. In turn, this leads to another question: Why is Hui in desperate need of ctx?

Such narration swiftly advances the plot and keeps the narrative thread causally tight. Once the North Korean agents have hijacked ctx, the viewer is constantly informed of the capacity of ctx. Yu learns this from a doctor in the national defense lab, and he shares the information with the national intelligence service board.

Kang, who is with the intelligence service, demonstrates to Yu and a rookie how a combination of light and heat can activate ctx. The rookie, after noticing the light is on in the stadium's royal box, calls Dr.

Kang to confirm how ctx works and then heads to the control booth. Such redundant cues function to achieve narrative clarity and enable the viewer to predict how the story will unfold. Halfway through the film, the viewer's knowledge slightly exceeds that of each character, an effect that builds suspense toward the climax.

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Hui and Park chat on the Internet, during which time Hui is ordered to eliminate ''kissing gurami''-a reference to Yu. This cues the viewer to infer that Hui and Yu's fiancee, Myeong-hyeon, are the same person, recalling the fact that Myeong-hyeon gave Yu a pair of kissing gurami in the beginning of the film.

Yu calls his friend Ho for help, without telling his partner Lee to identify the inside informant. In the meantime, Lee installs devices in Yu's car and in Myeong-hyeon's shop in order to record their conversations. Now the question shifts from ''Who will do what? After a shootout in the kitn, Park manages to escape with the help of Hui. Yu follows Hui and discovers that Hui is his fiancee. Instead of confronting Hui right away, Yu returns to his office to do a background ck on Myeong-hyeon and leaves his office to meet the real Myeong-hyeon on Jeju Island.

Still, the narration of this film is not completely omniscient and restricts the viewer's knowledge to an extent. Myeong-hyeon's pregnancy, which is withheld from both characters and the viewer, comes as a surprise at the end of the film. Although lively in plot development, Shiri manifests some leaps and gaps in terms of narrative logic and continuity.

It is unclear how Hui managed to escape after she fell for the trap set by Yu. We witness Park trying to escape the site by holding a bystander hostage, while Hui is pointing her gun at Yu. Next, the camera cuts to a subway without showing how this confrontation ended.

Another weak spot occurs when Yu follows Hui to the fish shop. Yu sees Hui putting her wig in a drawer. Shortly after, when Park pays a visit to Hui, the wig is on the table!

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Despite these narrative lapses, Shiri is coherent overall and causally tighter than most Korean films. By incorporating Holly-wood conventions-urgency conveyed through deadline, causally driven narrative, and redundancy-Shiri was an example of Korean cinema equaling Hollywood cinema not only in spectacle and entertainment value but also in storytelling.

By adopting a nonlinear narrative, the structure of JSA becomes more complex than that of Shiri. The opening credits of JSA unfold with a crime scene: we see light streaming through a bullet hole in the wall. The only observer is an owl. Next, Swiss Major Sophie Jean arrives to investigate the crime.

Throughout the film, this crime scene is repeated three times in flashbacks: the first two are false flashbacks based on Sergeant Oh's and Lee's report, respectively; and the third, toward the end of the film, is a flashback of Lee.

The narration of the film is predominantly restricted, with the narrative information being withheld from the audience: this is typical in investigation films.

Although JSA is framed as a crime-investigation story, the film eventually becomes a more psychologically driven drama when a flashback shows how four soldiers have developed a brotherly relationship.

The flashback runs uninterrupted for forty minutes and covers an eight-month period, from the moment Lee dismantles a mine with help from Oh and Jeong, until a shootout on Jeong's birthday. The flashback does not seem to be presented as either Nam's or Lee's, although the flashback is inserted while Nam is being carried to the hospital.

This flashback is lengthy, but early in the film director Park carefully signals the major events through interviews that Sophie conducts with Lee and other soldiers. Thus the viewer is cued to recognize these key events as they unfold within the flashback.

For instance, during Sophie's interview with three South Korean soldiers including Nama second interviewer tells her that Lee was once missing during combat practice. This interview initially functions to build up Lee's masculinity, but later it helps the viewer to realize that the flashback has just begun. The flashback begins with the camera focusing on Panmunjeom from the south.

Unlike other scenes, where subtitles inform the viewer of the specific time of events, the subtitle here reads only ''Security, '' which is meant to slightly disorient the viewer. Tourists exit one building, and as they move to the next building, the wind blows a red hat off one of them; the hat lands in front of Sergeant Oh on the north side. Oh picks it up and returns it to an American soldier. In an overhead shot, a tourist is seen approaching the border to take a photograph as a South Korean soldier signals to stop the tourist from doing so.

When the South Korean soldier escorts the tourist back to his tourist group, another Korean soldier takes his place. A segment of this scene is repeated at the end of the film.

As Oh returns the red hat, the click of the camera is heard. The image turns to black and white, and the camera pans right to reveal Jeong marching in the background.

As the camera continues to pan left, Nam is seen on the left side and Lee in the foreground as he uses a hand signal to try and stop the tourist from taking the photo. The viewer is invited to link this last shot to the earlier scene and to infer the significance of the moment: this scene depicts the four soldiers at a time when they were strangers to one another.

Alternatively, when the flashback ends, Park snaps the viewer out of it: we see Nam open the door to find a North Korean lieutenant outside as camera cuts to Nam being carried to the hospital. We, as viewers, construe the scene of Nam being carried out as representing a present action.

However, the scene is, again, titled rather abstractly: ''Joint. Each word of the title is employed, in reverse order, to mark the beginning of the investigation and the beginning and end of the flashback.

This authorial mark can be interpreted in various ways, but the reverse order of the title words mirrors the film's structure. It begins with a crime scene and the arrival of the investigator, Sophie.

The flashback bracketed between ''Security'' and ''Joint'' alludes to the fact that the memory of the friendship among these four soldiers in the Joint Security Area will be bracketed and buried in this rather politically ambiguous and ambivalent space, since Sophie decides not to reveal the truth.

This type of plot structure is not unique to JSA. And as Desser notes, despite its nonlinear narrative it is ''reasonably straightforward. Meanwhile, the long flashback builds up a languid rhythm through South Korean soldiers' recurring visits to the North post, which would invite the viewer not only to observe but also to be immersed in the friendship developing among the four soldiers.

Later blockbusters such as Taegukgi, Silmido, The Host and D-War, lose the narrative clarity and complexity found in Shiri and JSA, respectively, and subordinate the narrative logic to the unfolding emotional trajectory of characters or spectacles at the expense of narrative consistency.

In Taegukgi, Kang adopts a more episodic narrative structure than that of Shiri. The story of two brothers is framed as a flashback, as Jin-seok arrives at a site to identify his deceased elder brother Jin-tae-fifty years after the Korean War is over. Within the flashback, the plot more or less follows a linear trajectory. However, Kang prioritizes the evolving conflict of the two brothers over the depiction of the war. The film provides the viewer with minimum information regarding the war's progression.

Although the viewer is informed about the time and location of some but not all of the battles, viewers, as well as characters themselves, are kept in the dark with regard to the specific development of the war or the significance of each battle. Even with knowledge of the geography of the Korean peninsula, one has only a vague sense of direction, starting from Seoul to South Daeguthen to North Pyeongyang, Haejuand retreating back to Seoul. The development of the war is beyond the comprehension of both protagonists and the viewer, and each battle is marked by increasing casualties and their impact on the changing relationship between the two brothers.

In the first battle, which takes place near the Nakdong River, the injury of Seung-ol, a teenage boy who kills other soldiers and then himself because of the unbearable pain of his wounds, signals the beginning of a series of deaths awaiting the South Korean soldiers, including Jin-tae. In Pyeongyang, Yeong-man dies while protecting Jin-tae, who physically struggles with a North Korean commander.

During the retreat, Yeong-seok, whom both Jin-tae and Jin-seok had befriended before the war, is killed. In Seoul, Yeong-shin, Jin-tae's fiancee, is accused of being a Communist and is murdered by South Korean soldiers.

The brotherhood between Jin-tae and Jinseok suffers from witnessing all these deaths, especially when the deaths of the victims have an increasingly personal significance for them.

The romantic subplot is underplayed in Taegukgi compared to Kang's earlier blockbusters such as Ginkgo Bed and Shiri. Although we have a glimpse of the interaction between Yeong-sin and Jin-tae in the beginning of the flashback, their relationship serves a more important role within an extended family: Yeong-sin as a dutiful future daughter-in-law and Jin-tae as a father figure to all, including Yeong-sin's three young siblings.

Yeongsin bears significance to the narrative in that her death marks a turning point within the narrative, leading to the climax.

Yeong-sin's death indicates the slow disintegration of the family. But there is minimal romantic development between Yeong-sin and Jin-tae. From the beginning of the film, Yeong-sin is presented as part of the family that Jin-tae is eager to protect. What drives the narrative of Taegukgi appears to be a conflict between the two brothers, but actually the conflict resides within Jin-tae, whose values are torn between his Confucian ideal of family and the realities of war: his actions oscillate between his obligation to protect his younger brother and his growing obsession with power and control.

The weakness of the narrative is its lack of a subtle shift between these two cts of his dilemma: Jintae's behavior and actions sometimes seem absurd and extreme. In Silmido, Kang Woo-suk also puts character psychology above narrative coherence. In the fast-paced opening sequence, two parallel lines of action take place-Kang's attack on a local gang boss and a North Korean guerilla's attempt to infiltrate the Blue House. Both attempts fail, and the perpetrators are captured. Kang is sentenced to death.

But Kang and other ex-convicts are sent to an island for training, as members of a special unit with the mission to assassinate North Korean President Kim Il-sung. As the training on the island brings the narrative to a halt, the focus shifts to character development along with Kang's growing obsession with the mission.

The exposition on the island is unconventional, as we rarely learn characters' names, except Han Sang-pil and Sergeant Jo referred to as ''Sgt. Dick'' throughout the film ; this is despite the fact that there are five or six important characters, including Geun-jae.

Geun-jae, whose name is not revealed even when he dies, mediates the growing rivalry between Han and Kang in the beginning of the film.

Furthermore, his relationship with a twenty-one-year-old trainer is foregrounded as an example of the growing attachments among the pairs of trainees and trainers on the island. We learn Geun-jae's name only after the remaining members arrive at a small town in Gyeonggi province and speculate about what Geun-jae would do if he were with them.

The audience can begin identifying characters by name only after the goal of the soldiers in the Unit shifts from their redemption to regaining their own identities. When Sgt. Park, whose name is never mentioned but shown in a close-up of his nametag, is surrounded by the members of the unit, he reveals that the government's promise of rewarding the Unit was a hoax from the beginning: since being shipped to the island, their personal records have been erased for good.

Before members of the Unit commit suicide inside a local bus they've hijacked, each writes his name with his own blood as an attempt to assert his identity, however momentary. The narration of Silmido departs from Hollywood-style narration in another significant way. Following the subtitle in the precredit sequence reading '', January, '' there is no clear timeframe until General Choi is ordered to eliminate the Unit within a week. A Hollywood film would likely set a clear deadline for the training to be completed.

What's unusual is that the viewer is uninformed with regard to passage of time even after the mission has been aborted. The Unit has to return to the shore after the project has been stopped. It appears that more time has passed since then, when Han asks for more food while standing in line for lunch. This scene signals the shortage of food on the island probably due to the lack of government support. It is not until Won-hui mentions in passing that two years have gone by that the viewer finally learns exactly how long the Unit has been on the island.

Temporal cues in Silmido are not only delayed but are sometimes inconsistent. Shortly after we hear Won-hui's complaint, he and another mate escape the training camp and rape a woman in a village. The two are surrounded by Sgt. Jo and others and told that their lives will be spared if they surrender. The two discuss whether they should surrender: Won-hui claims that he would not trust Jo's promise, given his experience with Jo over the years. The two attempt a double suicide. Won-hui stabs his mate first but is captured before he can do the same to himself.

In the next scene, Won-hui is tied up in front of the whole unit. Won-hui starts to insult his mates, when they are being punished for his violation.

Kang, outraged, runs toward Wonhui and smashes his head-killing him instantly. A few scenes later, Kang is beaten up by his trainer for this, on the charge that he has wasted three years on Kang for nothing. Yet it is inconceivable to assume that a year has passed between Won-hui's death and Kang's punishment.

Such temporal ambiguity and inconsistency may be attributed to the spatial isolation of Silmido. On this island, both the trainers and trainee lose track of time, dedicating themselves to the sole purpose of the unit: assassinating North Korean President Kim Il-sung.

However, given the urgency of the task, it is odd not to have a specific deadline. The delay and incoherence of temporal cues are unmotivated, unlike the peculiar exposition that withholds characters' names, which underscores their lost identities.

The Host adopts an episodic structure, prolonging the narrative through multiple lines of action. Adolescent girl Hyeon-seo is devoured by a monster, but she manages to survive when it spits out some of its victims in the sewer. Gang-du is forced to stay in a compound with military officials, fearing he might be infected with a virus after having physical contact with the monster.

Gang-du's family escapes from the military compound, and each family member-Grandpa, Gang-du, Nam-il, and Nam-ju-attempts to independently locate and rescue Hyeon-seo. Family members are connected via mobile phones, and the ill-functioning communication devices isolate each from the rest-one of the major motifs throughout the film.

The multiple lines of action merge at the end of the film, as each character is given a shot at destroying the monster. The loose narrative of D-War, as previously mentioned, became the most publicized issue in South Korea in Critic Jin criticizes the film's plot for its reliance on a deus ex machina, a device that unexpectedly solves or resolves the story's main conflict.

D-War's peculiarity within Korean blockbusters is not its sparse or implausible narrative per se, but has more to do with its narrative strategy-its lack of modulation between restricted and unrestricted knowledge.

Young Ethan's encounter with Jack reveals the backstory to both the protagonist and the viewer too early on in the film, taking away from Ethan and Sarah a necessary investigation that would answer the cause of the imoogi's attack.

Instead, D-War quickly becomes a chase film-the flashback to their previous life five hundred years before would normally come toward the end as Ethan and Sarah discover their past together. Despite the fact that Korean blockbusters employ various narrative structures and devices, they share a narrative trajectory: nihilistic, tragic endings. Unlike most Hollywood blockbusters, protagonists in Korean blockbusters only partially achieve their goals.

Hollywood cinema often features a narrative in which the protagonist is presented with two compatible goalsone in a public sphere, the other in heterosexual romance-and the success in one triggers or contributes to the achievement of the other. Niko Tatopoulos Matthew Broderick successfully saves New York from a monster with the help of his college sweetheart Audrey Maria Pitilloand this victory provides the opportunity for them to rekindle their romance.

On the contrary, protagonists in Korean blockbusters face more serious dilemmas. In Shiri, agent Yu must kill Hui or neglect his duty. In JSA, Sophie reveals the truth about the shooting incident, which leads to Lee's suicide. The goal of Jin-tae in Taegukgi is self-defeating; Jin-tae's desire to protect his family from the Korean War costs him his life.

When General Choi is ordered to get rid of the Unit in Silmido, he must execute the order, otherwise his subordinates will also be killed. Gang-du, in The Host, defeats the monster, but he is unable save his daughter Hyeon-seo.

Diffrient finds that the commercial success of Shiri can be linked to this type of hybrid structure. He claims, ''Perhaps the film's singularity and huge success can be attributed to the way it fuses the special-effect-driven spectacles of Hollywood blockbusters and the melodramatic sentiments of traditional Korean storytelling'' emphasis mine.

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One can find similar endings in many Hong Kong gangster sagas. Characters are often torn between different obligations, and conflicting loyalties derive the narrative of both Hong Kong and Korean gangster cinema. Incorporation of melodramatic elements within blockbusters is also common to both Hollywood and Korean blockbusters. Blockbusters combine conventions of various genres with an aim to target a range of demographic groups.

Armageddon Michael Bay,for instance, incorporates characteristics of family melodrama: Harry Stamper Bruce Willis initially opposes his daughter, Grace Liv Tylerdating aj Ben Affleck. Both personal and professional conflicts between Stamper and aj are resolved at the end of film, as Stamper acknowledges and approves of aj and sacrifices himself for the mission. Similarly, in The Day After Tomorrow Roland Emmerich,Jack Hall Dennis Quai a paleoclimatologist, tries to save the world from the effects of global warming, while also trying to rescue his son Sam Jake Gyllenhaalwho is in New York City for a scholastic competition.

Sentimental attachment to characters may be more permissible in Korean blockbusters than in Hollywood blockbusters, but it is hasty to claim that such storytelling is rooted in Korean tradition. A better way to characterize the difference would be that Korean blockbusters are more characterdriven and attempt to expand ''narrative depth, '' which is often lacking in contemporary Hollywood blockbusters.

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If Korean blockbusters partially adopt Hollywood narrative conventions, they acquire conventional characteristics of contemporary Hollywood film style-what Bordwell characterizes as ''intensified continuity'' style. Bordwell claims that post-classical Hollywood cinema displays a more obtrusive and self-conscious style-flashy opening credit sequence, rapid editing, close framing, and a free-ranging camera-but it still adheres to the basic premises of classic Hollywood continuity editing: temporal consistency and spatial coherence.

Narrative can be nonlinear and more elliptical than in classical Hollywood cinema, but it is coherent in retrospect. The editing is fast-paced, with tight framing and a mobile camera, but it preserves spatial unity. The precredit sequence of Silmido consists of three parts, which last over ten minutes: crimes, a trial, and an execution, with an average shot length of.

In the crime sequence, editing underscores both visual parallels and contrasts between the two lines of action. While both Kang and Kim are chased, there are close-ups of their weapons, knife and gun, respectively. If graphic similarities between their actions underscore a situational parallel, visual contrasts between the two emphasize the different scales of their crimes-assassination of the national leader vs.

murder of a local gang. As the alternation between these actions becomes more rapid-almost shot by shot-the two actions appear to merge, forming one continuous action sequence. For instance, we see Kang drop his knife, followed by a shot of Kim being captured, with Kim's comparable action omitted.

In this opening sequence, Kang teases the viewer by setting up a formal pattern and then violating it to counter the viewer's expectation. The remaining precredit sequence is structured in a similar way. During Kang's trial sequence, he enters a building, escorted by two policemen. But in the next shot, when the door opens, Kim enters the pressroom instead, hosted by two policemen.

In the execution sequence that follows, General Choi visits Kang, who is now in a prison uniform. Choi asks whether Kang is willing to serve his country, if he's given a second chance. Before Kang answers, Choi orders: ''Execute him! After showing the execution of the wrong man, there is a shot of a boat in the ocean and the title credit ''Silmido.

The viewer now infers that not only was this man's execution a fake but that Kang's was probably phony as well.

Both men, along with many other ex-convicts on the boat, are on their way to Silmido for the training. Although the precredit sequence lacks aesthetic precision and refinement-similar actions or objects are not shown in perfect graphic match from shot to shot, it certainly succeeds in holding the viewer's curiosity.

The rest of the film is interspersed with spectacles, comparable or inferior to this precredit sequence, which manage to emotionally engage the viewer. Action sequences reflect a predilection of each director, but they more or less conform to contemporary Hollywood stylistic conventions.

The action scenes in Shiri are often shot with a handheld camera to create a shaky image. Consider the kitn scene immediately after three North Korean terrorists fall for a trap set up to trick Hui.

The scene begins with Park, chased by Yu and his squad team, entering a kitn and ends with him escaping with a hostage. The scene is edited with an average shot length of 2. Park does not start shooting until the South Korean agents are close to him. In this scene, the space itself is confined, and Kang employs a few camera set-ups with the camera crossing the axis of action a few times.

Women's average earnings were In Junethere was one woman among seventeen cabinet members and no woman vice minister. Women occupied 2. Women as professional leaders in religious life are limited in numbers in both Christian churs and Buddhist temples. The exception to this pattern is seen in shamanism, in which women dominate as priestesses. The Relative Status of Women and Men. The constitution stipulates equality of all citizens before the law, but the norms and values that guide gender relations in daily life continue to be influenced by an ideology of male superiority.

The interplay between these gender role ideologies complicates the patterns and processes of social change in the area of gender role performance and the relative status of women and men. One of the consequences of these dual gender role ideologies is the behavioral pattern that compartmentalize the social arena into public versus private spheres and formal versus informal situations within each sphere of social action. The patriarchal gender role ideology tends to guide people's behavior at group levels in public informal situations as well as private formal situations.

Democratic egalitarianism is more readily practiced at the societal level in public, informal situations, and at the individual level in private, informal situations. Thus, a woman can and did run for the presidency, but women are expected to behave in a submissive manner in public, informal gatherings such as dinner parties among professional colleagues. In private, informal situations such as family affairs, however, urban middle-class husbands tend to leave the decision making to their wives.

Nonetheless, male authority as the household head hoju is socially expected and the law favors husbands and sons over wives and daughters. The main sources of social change in gender status have been the women's movement and the role of the state in legislating to protect women's rights and improve their status. In response to feminist activism, some men organized the first National Men's Association in Complaining of reverse sexism, they asserted that laws enacted to prevent domestic violence and sexual harassment unfairly favor women and vowed to campaign to abolish the exclusively male duties of military service so that both sexes may shoulder the duties of national defense.

Marriage, Family, and Kinship Marriage. Family background and educational level are important considerations in matchmaking. Marriage between people with a common surname and origin place tongsong tongbon was prohibited by law until Many urbanites find their spouse at schools or workplaces and have a love marriage.

Others may find partners through arranged meetings made by parents, relatives, friends, and professional matchmakers. In urban centers, the arranged meeting often takes place in a hotel coffee shop where the man, the woman, and their parents may meet for the first time.

After exchanging greetings and some conversation, the parents leave so that the couple can talk and decide whether they would like to see each other again.

Most individuals have freedom in choosing a marital partner. Marriage has been regarded as a rite of passage that confers a social status of adulthood on an individual. Marriage also is thought of as a union of not just a man and a woman but of their families and a means to ensure the continuity of the husband's family line. Ninety percent of women marry in their twenties, although the average age of first-time brides has increased from Traditionally, divorce was rare, but it tripled from to Remarriages constituted Traditionally, remarriages of widows were not allowed and remarriages of divorced women were difficult.

However, changes are occurring in the remarriage pattern, especially for divorced women. The ratio of a divorced woman marrying a balor used to be lower than that of a divorced man marrying a never-married woman. Sincehowever, this situation has reversed in favor of women, with a ratio of 2.

Divorced women with independent economic means, especially successful professionals, no longer face the traditional gender bias against their remarriage and can marry balors who are younger and less occupationally advanced.

This phenomenon clearly reveals the importance of the economic ct of marriage. Domestic Unit. Two-generation households constituted Traditionally, three-generation stem families were patrilineally composed.

That custom continues, but some couples now live with the parents of the wife. In an extended family, the housekeeping tasks usually are performed by the daughter-in-law unless she works outside the home. Traditionally, the oldest son received a larger proportion of an inheritance than did younger sons because of his duty to coreside with aging South Gate in downtown Seoul, South Korea, provides greenspace in the urban center.

parents and observe ancestor ceremonies. After the revision of the Family Law, family inheritance must be divided equally among the sons and daughters.

The children may inherit real estate, money from savings accounts, furniture, and other family heirlooms.

Kin Groups. Outside the family, the patrilineal kin group tongjok is organized into tangnae and munjung. Consisting of all the descendants of a fourth-generation common patrilineal ancestor, the members of a tangnae participate in death-day and holiday commemoration rites of the kin group. Munjung as a national-level organization is composed of all the patrilineal descendants of the founding ancestor and owns and manages corporate estates for conducting the annual rites to honor ancestors of the fifth generation and above at their grave sites.

The main purpose of these lineage organizations and ancestor rites is to assert gentry yangban status and reaffirm agnatic ties. Since food offerings and ritual equipment are costly, only a small number of kin groups have formal lineage organizations. The Kimhae Kim, the largest lineage, is said to have more than. The Hahoe Yu of the Hahoe Iltong village in Kyongsang Province are the best known example of kin groups living in the same village. Socialization Infant Care. Because of rapid changes in lifestyles in the last few decades, the care of infants varies widely, depending, among other things, on the class positions of a family.

Generally, during the first two years children receive great deal of affection, indulgence, and nurturing from their parents.

This point is literally illustrated when a sailor, enticed by a tattoo of a naked woman, licks then bites the biceps of his bunkmate. The image of the woman on the man's arm is spellbinding and, as a representation of a body on the body, indicative of the film's self-referential appeal to the senses best top 10 battery for nikon coolpix s1 ideas and get free shipping Ktory kupic russos ultimate party pizza wspomagajace nauke podarunki? Kupuj tanio, toys direct chuggington. Gdy ogladalem 12 najdrozszych placow zabaw w Trypolis oddalem na cele charytatywne zelazko parowe tefal fv g/min ml w

Infants seldom are separated from their mothers. They used to be carried on the mother's back but today may ride in baby carriages. Many parents sleep with their infants in the same room. Infant care practices encourage emotional dependence of the children on their parents. Child Rearing and Education. Obedience, cooperation, respect for the elders, and filial piety are the major values inculcated in a child's early years.

Most children receive traditional gender role socialization from early childhood. Parents go to great lengths to provide the best education for their children, especially their sons, since parents traditionally have depended on their children in old age. Children, particularly sons, maintain a strong sense of dependence on their parents throughout adolescence and until after marriage. The differential treatment sons and daughters receive from their parents is considered a fundamental source of the gender structure in Korean society, where women are likely to be more self-reliant and individualistic than men.

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Higher Education. The traditional high regard for education as a means to improve one's socioeconomic status continues in contemporary Korea. The annual college entrance examinations are extremely competitive.

Many unsuccessful applicants repeat the examinations in order to enter elite universities. From only nineteen institutions of higher education inthe number has increased to nine hundred fifty. Over 26 percent of men and about 1 percent of women age twenty-five and over received higher education as of Etiquette Koreans are very status conscious, and their speech behavior reflects the hierarchical relationship between social actors.

Except among former classmates and other very close friends, adults do not use first names to address each other. Position titles such as 'professor,' 'manager,' 'director,' and 'president' are used in combination with the honorific suffix nim to address a social superior.

Koreans are generally courteous to the extent of being ceremonious when they interact with social superiors but can be very outgoing and friendly among friends and acquaintances of equal social status. Their behavior with strangers in urban public situations may be characterized by indifference and self-centeredness. Koreans appear to be rude to strangers since they generally do not say a word when they accidentally push or jostle other people on the streets, and in the stores, train stations, and airports.

Traditional Confucian teaching emphasized propriety in the five sets of human relationships, which included the relations between sovereign and subject, father and son, husband and wife, senior and junior, and friend and friend. Confucianism still serves as the standard of moral and social conduct for many people. Religion Religious Beliefs. As a result of constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion, there is a wide range of religious beliefs, from shamanism, Confucianism, and Buddhism to Christianity, Islam, and other religions.

Indigenous folk beliefs and shamanism have co-evolved, sharing a fundamental belief in the existence of a myriad of gods such as the mountain gods, the house gods, and the fire god and spirits of the dead, all of which may influence people's fortunes.

Korean Buddhism has both doctrinal and meditative traditions. Buddhists believe that human suffering is caused mainly by desire.

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Thus, some Buddhists try to obtain enlightenment by cultivating an attitude of detachment, while others seek to fulfill their desires by offering prayers of requests to Kwanum, the Bodhisattva of Compassion. Confucianism is a political and social philosophy that emphasizes the virtues of inusually translated as 'human-heartedness,' and hyo or filial piety, which is expressed through ceremony such as ancestor rites.

The Confucian concept of heaven is an impersonal yet willful force in nature and society, and is beyond human control. Early Korean Catholics who embraced Catholicism as part of Western Learning Sohaksuffered persecution during the Choson Dynasty for renouncing their ancestral rites as 'pagan' rites.

Christianity, including both Catholicism and Protestantism, has become a major religion.

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Ch'ondogyo the Teaching of the Heavenly Waywhich began as Tonghak Eastern Learningfounded by Ch'oe U inis a syncretistic religion that grew on the grassroots level.

Religious Practitioners. Shamans derive their power from their ability to serve as a medium between the spirit world and their clients during kut shaman rituals.

The Buddhist and Christian clergy derive their power from their knowledge of scripture. Another source of power for the clergy of major religions is the wealth their churs have accumulated from the contributions of followers.

The activities of the Christian clergy include not only sermons but also routine personal visits to the homes of their congregants. Buddhist monks may perform personalized prayer services in return for monetary donations. Rituals and Holy Places. A shaman keeps a shrine where her guardian deity and the instruments for ritual services are kept.

Kutwhich include songs, dances, and incantations, are performed at various places to secure good fortune, cure illnesses, or guide the spirit of a deceased person to heaven. The National Confucian Academy in Seoul holds semi-monthly and semiannual ceremonies to honor Confucius, his disciples, and other Confucian sages. Christian churs are ubiquitous in urban and rural areas. Some offer services not only on Sundays but also at predawn hours on weekdays. Leading Christian churs have huge new buildings that can accommodate several thousand worshipers.

Buddhist temples used to be located away from urban centers near the mountains, but more temples are now being erected in urban areas. Death and the Afterlife. Many Koreans believe in ancestral spirits and observe Confucian rituals concerning funerals, mourning practices, and memorial services.

Folk beliefs about the afterlife are somewhat influenced by Buddhism but are characterized by diversity. Mourning periods vary, depending on the social status of the deceased, from one day to two years. Selecting good grave sites according to geomantic principles is regarded as important for both the ancestral spirit and the descendants' Shoppers indulge in the markets and stores of the Namdaemun shopping district in downtown Seoul, South Korea.

At domestic rites performed on the eve of the death day and on major holidays, the ancestral image is that of living, dependent, and inactive parents to whom food and wine are offered. Medicine and Health Care The health care system includes both Western and traditional medicine. As a result of increasing public demand for traditional medicine, the Oriental Medicine Bureau was established in the Ministry of Health and Welfare in There were 62, Western doctors and 9, traditional doctors in Traditional doctors practice acupuncture and prescribe herbal medicine for the prevention and treatment of illness.

Some people turn to a shaman for elaborate kut performance to cure illnesses attributed to evil spirits. Secular Celebrations The two most important national holidays are New Year's Day and Ch'usok which falls on the eighth full moon by the lunar calendar. Koreans observe both solar and lunar New Year's holidays of which many people wear hanbok traditional dressoffer sebae New Year's greetings with a 'big bow' to their parents, eat ttok-kuk rice-cake soupplay traditional games, and observe ancestor rites.

On Ch'usok, the harvest festival celebrations include eating special foods such as songp'yon half-moon-shaped rice cakes and making family visits to ancestral graves to tidy the tomb area and offer fruits and other foods, including steamed rice cooked with newly harvested grain. The Arts and Humanities Literature. Korean classical literature was written in Chinese, and the late Koryo and early Choson sijo poems dealt mainly with the theme of loyalty.

The kasa form of Choson poetry expressed individual sentiments and moral admonitions. After the creation of the Korean alphabet, many works of fiction were written in Han'gul and royal ladies wrote novels depicting their personal situations and private thoughts. Modern literature started in the mid-nineteenth century as a result of the new Western-style education and the Korean language and literature movement. The themes of twentieth-century literature reflect the national experiences colonization, postliberation division of the homeland, the Korean War, urbanization, and industrialization.

Translations of literary works began to appear in foreign countries in the s. The novelists whose works have been most widely translated are Hwang Sun-won and Kim Tong-ri.

Graphic Arts. Traditional brush paintings include realistic landscapes; genre paintings of flowers, birds, and the daily lives of ordinary people; and calligraphic presentations of Chinese phrases extolling Confucian virtues such as filial piety and loyalty decorated with designs and pictures. Traditional sculptures in bronze, stone, and rock were inspired by Buddhism. The Sakyamuni Buddha in the rotunda of the Sokkuram Grotto is regarded as a national masterpiece. Performance Arts. Korean music and dance evolved over three thousand years from the religious ceremonies of shamanism and Buddhism and often were linked to the agricultural cycle.

Traditional music has two genres: Chong'ak 'correct music'a genre of chamber music with a leisurely tempo and a meditative character, and minsok'ak folk musiccharacterized by spontaneity and emotionality. P'ansori as a category of folk vocal music is a unique combination of singing and storytelling by a single vocalist with the accompaniment of a changgo traditional drum.

The Tale of Ch'unhyanga love story and one of the five extant traditional p'ansori compositions, requires more than eight hours to perform. Among folk instrumental music, samul nori has been the most popular form since the s. The primarily percussive music is played on gongs made of bronze and leather and double-headed hourglass and barrel drums.

page 1. a new glossary of. the dialect of the huddersfield district. page 2. oxford university p r ess london: amen house, e.c. 4 edinburgh glasgow leipzig copenhagen new york toronto melbourne capetown bombay calcutta madras shanghai humphrey milford publisher to the university gogreenbabyshop.com is a platform for academics to share research papers The first thing to learn about Roman mythology is that there is no Roman mythology. You can then stretch a point and find a little here and there. But comparing it with Greek mythology is like comparing a rockery with a mountain range. In the pre-

Koreans also enjoy classical and popular Western music. South Korea has thirty-one symphony orstras and has produced internationally renowned violinists such as Kyung-hwa Chung and Sarah Chang. There are two categories of traditional dance: court dances and folk dances performed by farmers, shamans, and villagers.

Kut and nong-ak farmers' festival musicwhich combine music and dance with ritual and entertainment, continue to be popular. Mask dances performed by villagers combined dance with satiric drama, making fun of erring officials and monks for entertainment and ethical edification.

The Traditional Dance Institute of the Korean National University of Arts was established in to educate future generations in the traditional dance heritage. The State of the Physical and Social Sciences The Korean Advanced Institute of Science and Technology was established by the government in as a model for research-oriented universities producing scientists and engineers.

The Pohang University of Science and Technology was founded with similar aims by the Pohang Steel Corporation in The Korean Science and Engineering Foundation and the Korea Research Foundation are the major funding agencies for university research in basic science.

The Academy of Korean Studies was founded in to encourage in-depth social science and humanities studies of the heritage of the Korean nation. Sinceit has offered graduate courses in Korean studies.

Bibliography Abelmann, Nancy. Echoes of the Past, Epics of Dissent: A South Korean Social Movement An, Myung-soo. Brandt, Vincent S. A Korean Village: Between Farm and Sea Buswell, Robert E. The Zen Monastic Experience: Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea Cho, Soon. The Dynamics of Korean Economic Development Choi, Gil-sung.

Clark, Donald N. Christianity in Modern Korea Cumings, Bruce. Korea's Place in the Sun: A Modern History Hahm, Pyong-Choon. The Korean Political Tradition and Law: Essays in Korean Law and Legal History Harvey, Youngsook Kim. Six Korean Women: The Socialization of Shamans Janelli, Roger L.

Ancestor Worship and Korean Society Making Capitalism: The Social and Cultural Construction of a South Korean Conglomerate Kang, K. Home Was the Land of Morning Calm: A Saga of a Korean-American Family Kendall, Laurel. Shamans, Housewives, and Other Restless Spirits: Women in Korean Ritual Life Getting Married in Korea: Of Gender, Morality, and Modernity Kim, Choong Soon.

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Faithful Endurance: An Ethnography of Korean Family Dispersal The Culture of Korean Industry: An Ethnography of Poongsan Corporation Kim, Won-yong. Art and Archaeology of Ancient Korea Kim, Yung-chung, ed. and trans. Women of Korea: A History from Ancient Times to Koo, Hagen, ed. State and Society in Contemporary Korea Koo, John.

Korean Overseas Culture and Information Service. A Handbook of Korea Lee, Chong-sik. The Politics of Korean Nationalisms Lee, Kwang-kyu. Kinship System in Korea Lie, John. Han Unbound: The Political Economy of South Korea Nahm, Andrew C. Introduction to Korean History and Culture Rutt, Richard. The Bamboo Grove: An Introduction to Shijo Saccone, Richard. Koreans to Remember: Fifty Famous People Who Helped Shape Korea Shima, Mutsuhiko, and Roger L.

Janelli, eds. The Anthropology of Korea: East Asian Perspectives Soh, Chunghee Sarah. Women in Korean Politics Formanek and S. Linhart, eds. Song, Byung-Nak. The Rise of the Korean Economy2nd ed.

Vos, Ken. Korean Painting: A Selection of Eighteenth to Early Twentieth Century Painting from the Collection of Cho Won-kyong Whitfield, Roderick, ed. Treasures from Korea: Art through 5, Years Yang, Sung Chul. The North and South Korean Political Systems: A Comparative Analysis Yang, Sunny. Hanbok: The Art of Korean Clothing But I'm afraid that some part of it is somewhat old-fashioned.

For example, in Socialization sector, you said that parents are more concern about their sons' education than daughter's. But now inthe apparent types of sexual discrimination is disappearing,and in educational sector, nearly all the discrimination is vanished when it is sexual, not the racial.

In addition to this, I want to point out that the students who go to university is greatly increased than the reference that you used. especially what were the popular games in the 60s and 70s? especially for boys. please reply urgently. i need it for some research. thank you 5 SherriieeeAug 2, amYou know I just want to say thank-you for your wonderful information that you have provided, it has helped me al ot with my assignment and yeh, awesomeee 6 Yun XiaDec 11, amYou put a lot of details but you don't talk about the culture of South Korea today.

You talk about the past about it. it helped for my assignmentThank you! May I ask who created this site so i can use this as a source? thank you 9 ArmielynMar 28, amI love the place of south Korea because they are open city and democaratic country which means they will allowed the foreigner to visit their place Thank you for the information that have been established in this site.

More Power to you. It's some kind strange but I adore South Korea hangugea chowaheyoh and korean people are very kind and lovely.

Thanks for this useful site kamsa-hamnida 11 tatyanaApr 21, pmthanx this gives alot of wonderful facts also it really helped with my studies so keep up the good work 12 Kara JoMayamYou need to say more about the traditional practices. celebrations, dancing, singing, etc. Unless i missed something, nothing about that was in there.

I had this project in Social Science for cultures and I was super duper stressed about it until I found this website. Thank you so much!! I had to write a paper on Korea, with topics on culture history and geography, this helped a ton. I felt it is very much helpful. I would like to know, where can I get more informations about korean work ethics?

thankshope you can help other students to find the answer to their assignments 19 WestonSep 27, pmThis was super helpful for my social studies project!!!

Thank you google. You are very informational and helpful. I am amazed of all this information on South Korea! Thanks a lot for your help! We will attend his memorial service Thursday night 2 days away and do not know the Korean custom. Should we order flowers?

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Send a gift offering for the altar? Any help youle be most appreciated. MalawmApr 7, amI really love this but the thing is that u didn't write about Korean famous people, for Ex.

king, rulers, persidentss. from the country history. BUT this hlep me a lot for my assighment. thank u!! otherwise it was very well done and i learnt alot of new thingsthank you 27 Lee Hye MinMayamI really like how you showed the bibliography and information and stuff I used this for my research for South K. korea and why the tiger is the national animal and can't find the answers anywhere on the internet! why is the tiger is named national animal of south korea? This site is help those person who want's to learn about korea 4 KristaleeSep 0, amyeah, you seriously gotta correct the name of the sea.

to the East Sea rather than the sea of japan. If any koreans see this, they will flip shit BUT THIS IMMENSELY HELPED WITH MY RESEARCH SO THANKS : 5 MadelinaNov 2, pmThank you giving many information. It has help me with my reports about South Korea. May God bless you all for the knowledge within you. XD 7 JennyLeeDec 5, amThis is really helpful this helps people with projects and i think this is a good thing 8 Michael XiongDec 1, amthis is helpful for me because i have a geograpghy fair.

For my assignment on Asian hospitality, I was able to get very valuable information from your blogs, thank you. The only thing I could not find is how Asians accommodate guests who are from another culture.

Thanks again, and great job! I do love the japanese tradidion and culture,I hope and wish I can also work in korea like I did in japan. this a very a good way for educating people! Usally people who are very smart would want to read this but im like the dumb one and it helps me alot! and ive never seen so much information like this! I was wondering how I would cite this page in my academic paper.

APA format Author? i love Korea a lot its my favorite place. At the time I never saw or heard of any korean golfers.

They sure have come a long way. I always wonder about the young boys that used to chat with us at our outpost and whatever became of theM.

really wanna go to South Korea oh how i wish! By the way, thanks a lot for the info. but i'm afraid u might have described the names wrongly.

the people who reads this might be confused to pronounce the names. but its still nice. well done! But I'd like to get more and more information about Korean culture as I'm very interested in culture sphere. Also i want to know more about Korean food. Having been read this article I was really impressed,as I got not all but partially what i wanted. Thank you so much! Dec 14, pmThis was very helpful for my paper on South Korea's social norms, and communication.

Thank you for sharing the research!

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Longtime ago and I do know one female married and moved to the states in about Love everything about Korean lifestyle, education, and history. My assignment is done because of this.

All of the data are from s. Korea has changed tremendously since then. Because all of the information is more than a decade and half old, trend or contemporary culture isn't described that accurate. Thanks a lot there is so many information about korea. I have homework assignment about korea, and I just finished it because of this, If I didn't find this website, I would not be able to finish my assignment even though I'm Korean.

lol 62 lykaJan 26, pmcan you post here how the culture of korea dominated the country? i just needed it badly for my research paper. THANK YOU! Great article! I like the detail and how the sentences run so smoothly. I would also like to see a section on political leaders and human rights defenders. Good work!

am really excited to see korean people introduce, if anybody korean people see my email id please contract me. I am from India. Willing to know best places to visit in South Korea.

I'm researching topics about Korea for our reporting. I studied in Cebu Normal University. For me, I learned so much about Korea and it's because of this. Thank you so much 69 dalinskaOct 0, amthanks for making this website for schools! it's so awesome and good! Koreans are very interesting.

I'm glad I choose Koreans. Also I would love to thank you again for the wonderful information you provided for everyone to see and learn about the Koreans. We both plan on living in South Korea someday! So, thank you so much, this information was really helpful!

This page is so well detailed and has all the information i really need to know about Korea. Doing a report on a place in Asia and this made my assignment so much easier.

again Thank you so much 7 Hasini HimayaAug 27, amI am really thankful to you why I say like that because I am trying to go to the south korea for my higher education. so I personally feel we must know about their culture,traditions and also their origin. Therefore this page is really helpful for me to do my task perfectly. so thank you very much again and again.

good luck 74 Kevin QuerolSeppmTHIS WAS SO GREAT. I WANT TO VISIT KOREA BECAUSE OF THIS Now i know if one accidentally pushes me and doesn't apologize i will not take it to heart. Will be in Korea very soon and hopefully make new friends there.

now i know more about south korea n about its people,culture,tradition n many more. thanks 77 StellaJun 7, amWow. Nice article, I so much love the country and would love to know more about their culture.

Thanks so much 78 TinaJun 28, amThank you for the information, it was very helpful 79 Maebylyn TupinoAug 5, amIt was a great article. I am very interested toward South Korean people and their country. I did enjoy reading it. I want to work there soon if God will :- 80 MjjjSep 25, amI like how this article had everything I needed to complete an assignment. It will help me write a presentation on my project on the Korean culture.

consider, that

They seem no more recent than the 's Korea Republic! Sep 4, pmthanks for the info but you need to put in more modern facts and talk more about popularity. What do people do in every day basis. Talk about schools and knowlege. How do people learn, what are the schools like, etc.

Talk more about just South Korea not the whole korea.

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Pls ate more info. Thank you 85 GraceApr 24, amThanks for this website! I used this for my social studies project! The initiative was taken by religious organizations in the United States, Australia, and many Western European nations, and eventually developed into various apparatus that sustained adoption as a socially integrated system. Contents1 Korean War and Holt1. Originally international adoption was supposed to be this race-based evacuation.

In part due to the response that Holt got after adopting these eight children from the nationwide press coverage, Holt made Holt International Children's Services which was an adoption agency based in the United States which specialized in Korean children. Adoption from South Korea began in when Bertha and Harry Holt went to Korea and adopted eight war orphans after passing a law through Congress. The first Korean babies sent to Europe went to Sweden via the Social Welfare Society in the mids.

By the end of that decade, the Holt International Children's Services began sending Korean orphans to Norway, Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Switzerland and Germany. Korea's domestic adoptions[edit]A article, said that the South Korean government is trying to have more domestic adoptions due, in part, to people around the world becoming aware of the large number of Korean adoptees who were adopted by families outside of South Korea since the mid s.

Because the South Korean government doesn't want to have the reputation of a 'baby-exporting country', and, due to the belief that Koreans should be raised with Korean culture, the South Korean government has been trying to increase domestic adoptions.

The numbers only picked up after However, the number in babies has also gone up with the forced registration of babies, also a new law, leading to more abandonment. In a article, Stephen C. Morrison, a Korean adoptee, said that he wanted more Koreans to be willing to adopt Korean children. Morrison said that he felt the practice of Koreans adopting Korean children in secret was the greatest obstacle for Korean acceptance of domestic adoption. Morrison also said that in order for domestic Korean adoption to be accepted by Koreans he felt that Korean people's attitudes must change, so that Koreans show respect for Korean adoptees, not speak of Korean adoptees as 'exported items' and not refer to Korean adoptees using unpleasant expressions of which Morrison gave the example, 'a thing picked up from under a bridge'.

Morrison said that he felt that the South Korean government should raise the allowable age at which Korean parents could adopt Korean orphans and raise the allowable age at which Korean orphans could be adopted by Korean parents, since both of these changes would allow for more domestic adoptions.

The goal of the plan was to totally eliminate foreign adoptions by But in the government temporarily lifted the restrictions, after the number of abandoned children sharply increased in the wake of growing economic hardships. Notable is a focused effort of the South Korean government to seize international adoption out of South Korea, with the establishment of KCare and the domestic Adoption Promotion Law. Incentivizing domestic adoptions[edit]A article in The Christian Science Monitor said that South Korea was giving incentives in the form of housing, medical and educational subsidies to Korean couples who adopted Korean orphans to help encourage domestic adoption, but the Korean couples in South Korea who did adopt tended to not use these subsidies, because they did not want other Koreans knowing that their children were not their biological children.

The article said that the Special Adoption Law would make it so birth mothers have to stay with their child for seven days before giving it up for adoption. The article said that the Special Adoption Law would make it so the birth mothers' consent has to be verified before relinquishment of their child, and the article said that Special Adoption Law would make it so the birth of the child is registered.

The article said that the Special Adoption Law would also make it so the birth mother could retract her relinquishment for up to six months following her application. The article said that Steve Choi Morrison who is a Korean adoptee and founder of Mission to Promote Adoption in Korea MPAK fought against the Special Adoption Law.

The article said that Morrison was against the Special Adoption Law because Morrison said that Korean culture is a culture where saving face is important. The article said that Morrison said that Korean birth mothers would fear the record of the birth becoming known, and men will not marry them afterwards. The article said that Morrison predicted that forcing Korean birth mothers to register the births would lead to abandonments. Politicians claimed that they would try to stop 'child exports', so they set an intended end date and a quota for international adoptions.

However, the quota has been exceeded several times, and the intended end date has been extended several times. The nation was not prepared for the return of their 'lost children. South Korean president Kim Dae-jung invited 29 adult Korean adoptees from 8 countries to a personal meeting in the Blue House in October During this meeting he publicly apologized for South Korea's inability to raise them.

During this period, I've met countless people. But today's meeting with all of you is personally the most meaningful and moving encounter for me. Looking at you, I am proud of such accomplished adults, but I am also overwhelmed with an enormous sense of regret at all the pain that you must have been subjected to.

SomeKorean children have been adopted to the United States, Canada, and many European countries over the years. I am pained to think that we could not raise you ourselves, and had to give you away for foreign adoption. Most Korean adoptees have taken on the citizenship of their adoptive country and no longer have Korean passports.

Earlier they had to get a visa like any other foreigner if they wanted to visit or live in South Korea. This only added to the feeling that they were 'not really South Korean'. In Maya group of Korean adoptees living in Korea started a signature-collection in order to achieve legal recognition and acceptance Schuhmar, At present the number of Korean adoptees long term residents in South Korea mainly Seoul is estimated at approximately It is not unlikely that this number will increase in the following decade International adoption from South Korea peaked in the mids.

A report from Global Overseas Adoptees' Link G. One factor that helped make the subject of Korean adoptees part of the South Korean discourse was a film called Susanne Brink's Arirang which was a film about the life story of a Korean adoptee who grew up in Sweden.

This film made the subject of the international adoptions of Korean children a hot topic in South Korea, and it made South Koreans feel shame and guilt regarding the issue. As part of North Korea's propaganda against South Korea in the s, North Korea decried the large numbers of international adoptions of South Korean children, and North Korea decried what it considered to be South Korea's practice of selling South Korean children.

The South Korean director general wanted to decrease the numbers of South Korean children being adopted internationally, so North Korea would no longer have the issue to use for its propaganda against South Korea.

The news article also said that North Korea did not allow couples in other countries to adopt North Korean children. Each day there are group discussions about issues of identity, adoption and questions regarding race that last about an hour. The camp first started in with the name Camp Hodori, and the camp changed its name to Camp Moo Gung Hwa in The purpose of the camp is to improve the Korean adoptees' knowledge of Korean culture and improve their self-esteem.

The camp exposes camp attendees to Korean culture.

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Korean culture classes cover Korean cuisine, Korean dance, Korean language, taekwondo and Korean arts and crafts. It brings adoptees and their families together each year to learn about adoption and Korean culture. Kim who is Assistant Professor of Anthropology as the University of Roster said that South Korea developed programs for adult Korean adoptees to return to South Korea and learn about what it means to be Korean. Kim said that one of these programs was wearing hanboks, and Kim said that one of these programs was learning how to make kimchi.

In this respect the so-called re-Koreanization of the Korean adoptees is often reproduced in South Korean popular media e. The 're-Koreanization can be reflected in Korean ethnic based nationalism both North and South of the 8th parallel. A article in Hyphen: Asian America Unabridged said that an increasing number adoptees were moving back to live in South Korea to try to help other Korean adoptees, and it said that many of these returning Korean adoptees were critical of South Korea's adoption system.

The article said that one returning Korean adoptee, for example, made a confrontational exhibition where he posted photos ofKorean adoptees in South Korea's three largest cities with the hope that South Koreans would see these photos and question why South Korea was still sending many Korean children abroad as adoptees. The article said that another returning Korean adoptee created an organization based in South Korea called Adoptee Solidarity Korea ASK to end the international adoption of South Korean orphans, and the article said that ASK intended to accomplish this goal by 'preventing teenage pregnancy through sex education, monitoring orphanages and foster care, increasing domestic adoption and expanding welfare programs for single mothers.

The article said that one returning adoptee said that they chose to use a combination of both names to indicate their status as a Korean adoptee. The article said that another returning Korean adoptee chose to use a Korean name, but the name they decided to go by was one that they chose for themselves and not the Korean name which was originally assigned to them by their orphanage when they were an orphan. The article said that another returning Korean adoptee decided to go by their original Korean name over their adopted Belgian name, because their Belgian name was difficult for other people to pronounce.

Citizenship who was deported to South Korea from the United States for committing a crime in the United States. The importance of bloodline families is the reason why Koreans do not want to adopt Korean orphans, because the Korean adoptee would not be the blood relative of the adoptive parents.

Korean patrilineal culture is the reason Korean society stigmatizes and discriminates against unwed Korean mothers and their kids, making it so the unwed mother might not be able to get a job or get a husband. in the Department of Anthropology at Indiana University said that, in Korean patrilineal blood culture, Koreanness is passed from parent to child as long as the parents have 'pure' Korean blood, and this transference of Koreanness is especially notable when the Korean father gives his 'pure' Korean blood to his Korean child, making lineage along the father's line especially important in the Korean concept of race and identity.

Gage said that a Korean family's lineage history represents the official recording of their blood purity. Due to this conception of identity along blood lines and race, Gage said that Koreans in South Korea consider Korean adoptees who return to South Korea to still be Korean even if they can not speak Korean. Gage said that, for Koreans, a Korean physical appearance is the most important consideration when identifying other people as being Koreans, although a Korean physical appearance is not the only consideration Koreans use in their consideration for group membership as a fellow Korean.

For example, Gage said that Korean women who had sex with non-Korean men were often not considered to be 'Korean' in the 'full-fledged' sense by Koreans. The journal said that 'Korean patrilineal kinship ideologies' still have a strong societal influence in South Korea.

The news article also said that Korean adoptees suffer a social stigma in South Korea, because Korean adoptees have been 'cut loose from their bloodlines'. The news article said that this social stigma applies to the unwed mother and even her illegitimate children and her whole extended family, causing a child who was born out of wedlock to suffer lowered marital, job and educational prospects in South Korea. The news article also said that the adoption of Korean orphans out of South Korea had three more effects: it saved the South Korean government the costs of caring for the Korean orphans, it relieved the South Korean government of the need to figure out what to do with the orphans and it lowered the population.

Supporters of the system claim that adoption agencies are only caring for infants who would otherwise go homeless or be institutionalized. Korean adoption agencies support pregnant-women's homes; three of the four agencies run their own. One of the agencies has its own maternity hospital and does its own delivery. All four provide and subsidize child care. All pay foster mothers a monthly stipend to care for the infants, and the agencies provide all food, clothing and other supplies free of charge.

They also support both independent-orphanages, and or self-run ones. The agencies will cover the costs of delivery and the medical care for any woman who gives up her baby for adoption.

Rothschild, The Progressive, ; Schwekendiek, Rasmussen said that the other OECD countries spent an average of Rasmussen said that South Korea promoting domestic adoption would not address the heart of the problem and that South Korea should raise its spending for social welfare benefits. The news article said that the Korean birth mothers felt guilty after giving their child up for adoption, and it said that most of the Korean birth mothers who gave their child up for adoption were poor and worked at factory or clerical jobs in South Korea.

Although the officer said that he felt that the adoption business was probably a good thing for birth mothers, adoptive parents and adoptees, he said that the adoption business troubled him due to the large number of children who were being adopted out of South Korea every month. The INS officer said that these numbers should make people question how much of the international adoption of South Korean children was a humanitarian cause and how much it was a business.

The news article said that many Korean parents in South Korea refuse to allow their children to marry Korean orphans. The article said that since the abandoned children have not been formally relinquished, they cannot be adopted internationally. The article said that the children will most likely stay in orphanages until they become 18 or 19 years old. Vincent Home in Bupyeong District had 1, Korean adoption records.

Inthese 1, Korean adoption records were scanned by Korean Adoption Services KAS and the Ministry of Health and Welfare. InKAS had 9, records from 21 institutions. The web page said that the couples needed to be between 25 and 44 years old with an age difference between spouses of no more than 15 years, the couples needed to be married for three years, the couples needed to have an income higher than the US national average, and the couples could not already have more than five children.

The web page said that the wait time after applying for US couples who wanted to adopt was about three years for a healthy Korean child and one year for a Korean child with special needs.

The news article said that the lack of children for domestic adoption caused couples in the United States to look to other countries to adopt children, and the fastest increase of American couples' adoptions from other countries at this time was from South Korea.

The book said that, in the United States, the majority of Korean adoptees were adopted close to adoption agencies, so they were mostly adopted in the states of Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Nebraska, Michigan, Montana, South Dakota, Oregon, Washington, New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Vermont, Utah or Idaho. The article said that the Swedish welfare system allowed for unwed Swedish mothers to better support themselves and not feel the need to give up their children for adoption.



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